社会应用语言学研究--论"语言接触"与中国语言学教育的发展

运用实证调查与分析的方法,以家庭环境语言行为为切入点,剖析环境中主体“语言接触”的特征及规律,研究社会应用语言学原理对中国语言学教育教学发展的影响,以促进语学教育教学的持续发展。     

丝绸之路上的混合语探析

本文由语言接触理论出发,从社会语言学的角度对丝绸之路上发生的语言接触进行了探析。以河西走廊一带青海和甘肃地区的两种混合语为例,揭示语言接触在语言演变与发展中的作用;并简要分析了丝绸之路背景下这两种混合语出现的原因。通过对这两种混合语的词汇、语音和句法进行分析,发现它们具有显著的共同特征：词汇大部分均来自汉语,而语法的构成却与当地相邻的少数民族语言相似。此外,还分析了这两种混合语之间的异同,有助于探究丝绸之路上诸多语言接触的其他特征。     

关于语文语言文化的研究

我在《情感教育：语文教育的核心》一文中从语文课程与自然科学、社会科学类课程的区别中界定了初中学语文课程中的“语文”的概念。初中学语文教学中的“语言”这个概念,并不完全等同于口头生活语盲。它是按照学生精神发展和语言能力提高的过程相对有序地组织起来的一个民族语言的系统,当前初中学语文教学改革是为了进一步提高它的经典性和有序性,而不是将其等同于口头生活语言和现实社会的传媒语言。     

哈萨克斯坦的语言政策

不论是苏俄时期的语言本土化政策、斯大林时期的语言俄罗斯化政策,还是哈萨克斯坦独立后将哈语作为惟一国语的政策,政治目的始终是其要旨。对今日哈萨克斯坦而言,其语言政策是将单一语言思想、多语言思想和国际化语言思想等因素集于一体：将哈语作为惟一的国语体现了单一语言思想,强调的是哈语的象征意义,并通过复兴哈语和扩大哈语的使用范围来增进哈萨克人的民族认同感;俄语和其他语言的地位得到国家法律的承认和保护,表明了多语言思想;而将俄语作为官方语言和教学语言,以及英语的普及,则是国际化语言思想的体现。     

小学语文教学要加强朗读训练

小学语文教学的目的是使学生具有初步的听说读写的能力;朗读是学习语言的重要途径之一,朗读有助于发展学生的语言,朗读有助于发展学生的思维,朗读有助于学生深入理解课文内容,朗读有助于审美教育,因而教学必须重视朗读的训练,加强对朗读的指导与训练。     

声乐课教学语言的应用特征

声乐教学是一门特殊的教育学科,由于其自身的特殊性使得声乐课教学语言尤为重要。声乐教学中,教学语言的应用有着几个特征:通俗性、精确性、形象性、鼓励性、育人性。本文分别作以阐述,提出自己作为一名声乐教师的感想并以此共勉:要不断丰富自己的文化底蕴,加强教学语言文化修养。     

坦桑尼亚斯瓦希里语初探

斯瓦希里语作为坦桑尼亚国语具有深刻的历史与民族根源,英语作为一种殖民语言,在坦桑尼亚教育语言中同样占有举足轻重的地位,坦桑尼亚国语化进程中深受殖民影响,坦桑尼亚中小学教学语言的不统一,严重限制了斯瓦西里语的前进步伐,斯瓦西里语凭借自身优势却逆流而上逐渐在非洲乃至世界取得极大的影响力。     

浅议肢体语言在中学英语教学中的应用

当前课堂教学方法的创新实践形势下,利用人体各种肢体动作和表情来协助教学的肢体语言教学法,有助于激发学生学习兴趣和强化直观理解。本文针对肢体语言教学在中学英语教学中的应用要点进行了简要分析和阐述。     

浅论信息技术与学科整合

信息技术教育的核心之一,是要把信息技术落实在学科教学的应用上。相对于学科教学,信息技术应该是工具和手段。同时,信息技术更是一种新的教学环境,它将有助于完成学科教学的改革。比如,将信息技术与语文学科以及学生的实践活动想结合,首先就要考虑语文科的目的和任务是什么。语文学科的目的是培养学生的语言能力,任务是通过演练使学生学会正确地使用语言表达和交流思想。信息技术学科的目的是培养学生的信息素养和熟练运用信息技术的能力,任务是在信息技术环境下学习和掌握信息技术。     

浅谈幼儿园语言环境的创造

语言是人们进行交流和沟通的工具,儿童时期是语言发展的最佳时期,也是最迅速的时期。《幼儿园教育指导纲要》指出：‘‘语亩能力是在运用的过程中发展起来的,发展幼儿语言的关键是创设一个能使他们想说、敢说、喜欢说、有机会说并能得到积极应答的环境。”由此可见,语言环境对孩子是何等的重要。在幼儿园教学中创设适宜的环境氛围,提高幼儿语言能力,促使幼儿个性化语言的发展,让孩子享受到成功的快乐。     

邓小平经济特区理论

经济特区理论是邓小平理论的重要组成部分 ,它是一个完整的理论体系。其中包括 :为实现经济发展战略目标再造几个“香港” ;广东经济特区的发展要与香港互为依托 ;社会主义也可以搞市场经济 ;广东经济特区是个试验等     

邓小平与香港"后过渡时期"的中英外交斗争

邓小平为解决香港"十二年过渡时期"的"平稳过渡"和"顺利交接"问题,提出创造条件让"爱国爱港"的香港人逐步参与管理并且为1997年收回香港以后"港人治港"培养人才.由于英国在"十二年过渡时期"以"代议制改革"为核心的"非殖民化"的"光荣撤退",以及不惜牺牲中英合作关系和香港前途以香港为"磨心"进行的自"偷步民主"至"民主冲剌"的政治对抗,中国在中英合作的基础已经被破坏、"旧香港"与"新香港"之间的政治体制"直通车"已经"不通"的情况下,根据"以我为主"的原则按照中英"联合声明"和"基本法"的规定对香港特别行政区的政治体制"另起炉灶"筹备香港特别行政区.     

微探针型能量色散X荧光光谱技术测定香港古瓷的化学组成及其意义

用探针型能量色散X荧光光谱技术测定元-明年代的香港青釉瓷、元-明年代的广东青釉瓷、宋-元年代的福建青釉瓷样品的化学组成,用胎式、釉式和主成分分区的方法,研究了香港样品主要来源于广东青瓷窑场的制品,部分来源于福建青釉瓷产品。它们同属于南方青釉瓷系列,但是其胎质成分与浙江龙泉的正宗青釉瓷不同。然而,釉式的组成分布显示,香港、广东青瓷釉与龙泉青瓷釉的化学成分有部分的重叠,表明前两处的仿龙泉青瓷釉在外观上与正宗的产品有相似的质素。     

Has the Hong Kong Model Worked? Industrial Policy in Retrospect and Prospect

This article attempts to blend the insights of development economics and political economy in order to analyse industrial policy in Hong Kong. It describes the lack of industrial upgrading, the process of de-industrialization, and the over-reliance on the service sector, and examines the political economy of the functional industrial policy practised in Hong Kong, as well as its limitation. The author suggests that the political change from a colony to a special administrative region of China provides a context for Hong Kong State to undertake a more interventionist, industry-specific policy, the success of which will depend on a combination of two factors: state autonomy against the excessive influence of Beijing, and state capacity to guard against corruption and to enhance a mutually-beneficial regional co-operation in the South China region.     

The Last Stand of Colonialism? The Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Councils and the Sino-British Negotiations Over Hong Kong, 1982–1984

ABSTRACT

As influential leaders in Hong Kong, the Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Council (UMELCO) were arguably the only group of Hong Kong people permitted to take part in the Sino-British negotiations that defined the future of Hong Kong. But almost no studies have explored the broader significance of their participation in the negotiations. Using recently declassified British documents, this article argues that, in the wider history of decolonisation, UMELCO’s petition for British administration belonged to the less noticed voices that called for alternatives to independence. UMELCO’s participation also reveals how the negotiations challenged Hong Kong’s autonomy. Although governors at times advocated Hong Kong’s interests vis-a-vis London, the governor’s autonomy during the negotiations was restricted, so the appeal of UMELCO was further weakened. Although UMELCO wanted to preserve the existing system, their actions inadvertently boosted the rise of ‘Hong Kong people’ as an idea and encouraged local people to demand more democracy. The structure of ExCo, LegCo and the government was mostly inherited by post-1997 Hong Kong, while some of UMELCO shifted to the Chinese side, suggesting the irony that a supposedly anti-colonial China lived with a state that came largely from colonial rule.     

Cross-border connection between Hong Kong and mainland China under 'two systems' before and beyond 1997

Cross-border flows of people, goods and capital are fundamental forces triggering spatial and economic transformations in any cross-border regional production system. This study focuses on such cross-border links between Hong Kong and mainland China in the context of cross-border regional production systems. The paper examines first the close demographic ties and investment and trading relations between Hong Kong and mainland China before 1997. In terms of total direct and indirect trading, and outward investment, Hong Kong was the largest partner of mainland China and vice versa. The recent development in the cross-border development between Hong Kong and the mainland after 1997 is also analyzed. The political change, the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997, did not alter the demographic-economic linkages significantly as such connections had been well established during the period 1978 to 1997 after China's opening to the outside world. Hong Kong and mainland China are two independent economic entities practicing ‘two systems’ of capitalism and socialism respectively. Contrary to common expectation, the new government in Hong Kong only played a limited role after 1997. However, a bottom-up approach has been working spontaneously and the local people and businessmen in Hong Kong have been the primary force in establishing strong relations with the mainland facilitated by the close demographic-cultural ties both before and after 1997.     

Identity and Place: the testament of designated heritage in Hong Kong

This paper examines the extent to which the identity of Hong Kong as a place, and of the Hong Kong Chinese as people, is expressed by the official heritage locations (the seventy-five Declared Monuments) designated by Hong Kong's Antiquities and Monuments Office. The discussion takes account of other heritage initiatives, in particular two recent monuments that commemorate the 1997 Handover of Hong Kong to China. Conclusions are that designated heritage in Hong Kong, more by chance than by deliberate strategy, reflects significant elements of the identities of the Hong Kong people and of Hong Kong as a place. However, more important to the Hong Kong Chinese person's sense of identity than built heritage are the bonds of kin and associated social events.     

中共第一代中央领导集体解决香港问题战略决策的历史考察

在香港回归的历史过程中,以毛泽东为核心的第一代中央领导集体从大局出发,尊重香港的现实,在坚持中国拥有对香港主权的大前提下,提出了“暂时维持现状”、“长期打算,充分利用”、在适当时机通过谈判和平解决香港问题等一系列战略决策,不仅体现了原则的坚定性和策略的灵活性的高度统一,而且其中某些解决香港问题的构想还成为邓小平提出“一国两制”的思想来源。同时,这些战略决策的实施,不仅充分发挥了香港与外部世界联系的作用。而且保持了香港的繁荣和稳定,为后来和平解决香港问题奠定了坚实的基础。     

The Mystery of Capital: Eurasian Entrepreneurs' Socio-Cultural Strategies for Commercial Success in Early 20th-Century Hong Kong

Unlike economic capital, which is visible and easy to calculate, social capital is intangible and difficult to assess. Although both types of capital are crucial in determining social relations and social behaviour, little solid research has been done on the latter. This paper attempts to use the rags-to-riches story of Sir Robert Ho Tung, a first-generation Hong Kong Eurasian entrepreneur who commenced life without traditional social/cultural capital as the illegitimate son of a Chinese woman and a Dutchman, to illustrate the processes involved in cultivating and accumulating social capital. With special reference to economic development in early colonial Hong Kong and major social transformations in the Chinese mainland, this paper also demonstrates how a group of so-called social/racial “half-caste bastards” (Eurasians) were able to form their own social networks of mutual help and protection. It also considers how they worked to consolidate, mobilise, aggrandise and transmit their social capital. In conclusion, it is argued that Eurasians in early twentieth-century Hong Kong constructed their personal networks like a web, with different interconnecting layers that functioned at different socio-economic-political levels to serve different purposes.     

香港回归的历史"前奏曲"——1979年3月邓小平与麦理浩的"北京会谈"述略

1979年3月香港总督麦理浩的北京之行,代表英国方面以香港"土地契约"问题为"突破口"逼中国方面对过"九七"的"英国管治"作出让步,第一次将中英两国政府"长期搁置"的香港"九七"前途问题明朗化.而邓小平"叫香港的投资者放心"的正面回应,初步揭示了中国共产党和中国政府关于"九七"以后"香港还可以搞它的资本主义"的战略思考.以此为契机,中国共产党和中国政府开始初步调整当代中国"国家统一"的战略重心,将以"一国两制"的"新思维"解决香港问题的"时间表"提前,探索将"台湾版"的"一国两制"香港化".