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1.
The act of scalping has long been associated with Native American conflict‐related human body part trophy taking. Reasons for their removal were varied and often included communal and personal factors. Previous research has identified several different types of scalp removals based on the amount of soft tissue affected during the process of scalping. One of these types can involve the removal of the ears. Through reanalysis of known scalping victims within the middle Tennessee Valley of North Alabama, we have identified five cases where victims were both scalped and had their ears removed. These cases provide a unique understanding of the practice of human body part trophy taking. They support ethnographic accounts that indicate ear removal has great time depth and was geographically widespread. Although the five cases presented here are similar to total compound scalpings, they actually represent total simple scalpings. Unlike total compound scalpings, where the ears are removed attached to the skin of the scalp, these cases show evidence of secondary removal of the ears after the scalp was already detached. This secondary removal of the ears after the act of scalping supports the interpretation that the aggressors intended different purposes for each trophy. It is likely that the scalp and ears each had their own meaning. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

2.
Although the taking of scalps is arguably a perimortem trophy‐taking behaviour, cases of scalping survival are occasionally reported in the historical documents of the American Colonial Period and the 19th century westward expansion. Survival cases are also detected in pre‐Columbian bioarchaeological contexts. Although scalp avulsion injuries can heal without complication, often the process is compromised by secondary osteomyelitis, usually attributable to environmentally ever‐present Staphylococcal or Streptococcal bacteria. A scalping survivor case from the late prehistoric (AD 1200–1600) Hampton site (40RH41) of East Tennessee unusually displays infectious sequelae in the area denuded by scalp avulsion which are pathognomonic for treponemal disease (caries sicca, stellate scarring). This infection is probably a reflection of the easy opportunity afforded by the large size of the wound bed, poor post‐trauma hygiene, and direct inoculation of the diploë by a ubiquitous Treponema. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

3.
Taking, modifying and displaying human body parts as trophies have been observed in several human groups since prehistoric times. Although there are many skeletal collections that present evidence for this practice, the existence of both skeletal material and written records referring to the same group is quite rare. Nevertheless, this is a case of 112 human skeletal remains collected by Charles Hose in Borneo in the late 19th century, which represents a unique opportunity to understand the vanished headhunting tradition and warfare practice in this area, as well as to compare the written records with the bioarchaeological evidence. Although Hose claims that all individuals collected by him were beheaded, our study shows that only 50.5% of the studied material show clear osteological signs of decapitation. Other practices which were part of the ritual of headhunting described by Hose could be observed, like widening of foramen magnum, burning of skulls, mandible tied to the cranium with a strip of rattan or cotton, as well as drilled perforations to suspend skulls in longhouses. Adult females and non‐adults comprised more than one third of the total number where sex and age could be determined, showing that males were not the sole targets for trophy heads. Overall, this study on the trophy skulls from Borneo is valuable as it combines and compares ethnographic accounts and osteological data to provide us with a broader scenario of a vanished practice. It draws attention to some aspects that should be taken into account when working exclusively with either written records or skeletal materials, as both present limitations. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

4.
The Early Neolithic enclosure of Herxheim yielded the human remains of more than 450 individuals mainly represented by cranial vaults and numerous fractured cranial and postcranial bones. The skulls were shaped post‐mortem into skull caps by intentional separation of the cranial base and facial bones. One of these calottes revealed four ante‐mortem traumatic lesions and additional cut marks.The defects of this individual were analysed in detail to obtain information on the chronology and consequences of the traumata and manipulations and their probable intention. Four marks could be attributed to at least two violent incidents because of their different stages in the healing process. There is no evidence of cranial surgery, but the individual may have received some medical treatment and social care to survive the injuries without complications. The peri‐mortem cut marks and the post‐mortem intentional shaping of the skull cap, however, can be seen as typical for the treatment of the Herxheim dead and cannot be attributed to violent conflicts. The results support the evidence gained from preliminary examinations of the Herxheim human remains and suggest a more complex view of the final phase of the Linear Pottery Culture (LBK) in southwest Germany. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

5.
Spanish speaking populations in the USA have long been categorised under the umbrella term ‘Hispanic’, which is a cultural construct. The term Hispanic ignores the unique ethnohistories and biological variation among Hispanic groups with various European, African and indigenous American influences. Considerable heterogeneity has been identified in pre‐contact America and has continued to influence the cultural and biological compositions of various regions today. The purpose of this research is to examine biological variation in Mexico, which was influenced by indigenous migration patterns and the Old World conquests of the Americans. Using multivariate statistics, this paper compares 16 three‐dimensional craniometric landmarks of samples from northern Central Mexico, northern Yucatan and western Mexico to examine the regional biological variation present in Mexico in both prehistoric and historic groups and also compares Mexican, Spanish and African American groups to examine patterns of Old World conquests. Multivariate statistics detected significant group differences for both size and shape (centroid size, p < 0.0001; shape, p < 0.0001) and showed that while significantly different, all the Mexican groups are more similar to one another except for one prehistoric inland‐western Mexican group, which is morphologically distinct from the other Mexican groups. Previous mtDNA research in these areas shows a low prevalence of African American admixture and a high indigenous component in the northern Mexican groups, which is consistent with the findings of this paper. The prehistoric and historic Mexican groups were the most similar indicating the retention of indigenous admixture after contact. The results from this analysis demonstrate that all groups are significantly different from one another supporting other findings that have shown that the indigenous populations of the New World are heterogeneous and that this variation may also contribute to the heterogeneity of contemporary populations. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

6.
This paper discusses trepanation frequency data from the Chachapoya region of the northern highlands of Perú. New data from three skeletal samples are presented: Kuelap, Laguna Huayabamba, and Los Pinchudos, as well as isolated crania housed at the Chachapoya Museo Instituto Nacional de Cultura. The vast majority of the trepanations are circular in shape, except for one individual exhibiting as many as three roughly square trepanations. Evidence for healing is prevalent, with examples of both associated periosteal reaction of nearby outer table bone, as well as for healing of the insult itself. Only one case demonstrates a clear association between a traumatic injury and a trepanation event. The purpose or function of the remaining cases of trepanation, however, remains elusive. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

7.
8.
Analysis of a bundle burial of a young male recovered from 22OK905, a late prehistoric/protohistoric site located near Starkville, Mississippi, is discussed. AMS dating of the burial places it between AD 1640 and AD 1814, a time when Native American and European conflicts are well documented. One interesting finding is the presence of cut marks on the frontal bone of this individual. These marks were determined to be the result of scalping rather than defleshing marks associated with secondary burial treatment. Comparisons of bone element frequency among several bundle burials suggest that this individual died away from his village and the body was later collected for burial. A second study indicates that a stone tool may have been used to scalp the victim. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

9.
Three probable cases of foot amputation, with healing, in skeletal remains associated with the Moche culture (AD 100–750) of northern coastal Peru are described. Each case exhibits non‐functional tibio‐talar joints with proliferative bone occupying the normal joint space. The robusticity of the tibiae and fibulae suggest renewed weight‐bearing and mobility following recovery. The osteological evidence is consistent with details shown in Moche ceramic depictions of footless individuals. A footless Moche skeleton with wooden prostheses, described in 1913 by Peruvian physician Vélez López, appears to represent a fourth example of this procedure. The Moche surgical approach was similar to a technique that would be pioneered in western medicine by the Scottish surgeon Sir James Syme some 1500 years later. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

10.
The archaeological record of Southeast Asia is marked by a relative lack of Acheulian assemblages compared with the rest of the Old World. Suggestions that prehistoric human populations in this area relied instead on a non-lithic technology based on bamboo have not been supported by archaeological evidence. To provide a diagnostic means of assessing prehistoric use of bamboo, cut marks were experimentally produced on bone using chert tools and bamboo knives. A scanning electron microscope (SEM) examination revealed morphological differences in cut marks produced by the two materials that allow identification of bamboo knife cut marks on faunal materials. Such evidence, if found in Pleistocene through early Holocene archaeological sites in Southeast Asia, would indicate early human reliance on bamboo technology.  相似文献   

11.
Early Stone Age cut marks created during tool‐assisted carnivory potentially offer inferences into hominin butchery behaviour and access to complete or defleshed carcasses. Actualistic butchery trials of 16 goat and cow half‐carcasses were completed by an experienced butcher with replicated Oldowan tools to investigate how the geometric organisation of cut mark clusters reflects flake versus core tool use and bulk muscle versus scrap defleshing. A cluster of cut marks is defined as a series of adjacent cut mark striations that occur at an anatomical location and are bounded by unmarked cortical surface. Tool type and butchery action were predicted to differentially mark certain long bone portions and influence cluster attributes. Moulds of 613 cut mark clusters were photographed and measured using ImageJ software (National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Maryland, USA) for cluster area, cut mark count, median cut mark length and standard deviation of cut mark length and angle. Analysis suggests the following results: (i) cluster attributes are correlated;(ii) changes in cluster geometry are related to increasing cut mark count and length but not tool type or defleshed muscle amount; (iii) large clusters occur on large animals; and (iv) long bone midshaft portions are cut‐marked during both bulk and scrap muscle defleshing. Analysis of 179 cut mark clusters on long bone shafts of sizes 1–4 mammals from three Okote member assemblages at Koobi Fora, Kenya, shows that archaeological clusters have a similar number of marks when compared with experimental clusters but are significantly smaller, have shorter median marks and include less deviation in mark length and angle. Archaeological clusters corroborate that increasing area is positively correlated with cut mark count, median mark length and standard deviation of mark length and angle. A quantitative inferential model that links cut mark cluster geometry to tool type or the amount of muscle defleshed is not supported by these data. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

12.
The time span ranging from ca. 900 to 1450 A.D. in the South‐Central Andes has been traditionally posited as a period of social unrest, political disintegration and large‐scale conflict due to, primarily, environmental causes. However, the osteological record of traumatic injuries in a sample of 223 adult and subadult crania from different areas of Northwest Argentina does not clearly correspond to the expected scenario of pervasive and formalized armed attacks. Cranial trauma prevalence in the sample is low (17.48%), and no statistically significant differences were met between the sexes. No differences were found when comparing trauma prevalence between settlements or regions, suggesting that location or function of the sites may not have influenced in trauma frequencies. This information more comfortably agrees with a scenario of conflict where several sources of violence may have caused the record of traumatic injuries (i.e. raids, ambushes, etc). These results serve to problematize how conflict is expected to be expressed in the archaeological record, especially in osseous human remains, what sources of violence may have generated the traumatic patterns observed and the intensity of conflict in this region in particular and in the pre‐Hispanic Andes in general. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

13.
14.
In later pre‐Columbian prehistory (post AD 1000), the adaptation and intensification of maize agriculture and its correlate of aggregate village settlement (i.e. Mississippianization) is temporally and geographically variable. In the Midwest, consequential to the florescence of the major ceremonial centre of Cahokia (AD 1050–1300), the Mississippi River Valley alluvial plain in Illinois, known as the American Bottom, became a core area of this subsistence‐settlement change. Much archaeological research has traced aspects of this transition in the Lower and Middle Illinois River Valley, but little is known outside of these areas. A skeletal sample from the remote hinterland area of the Upper Mississippi River in west‐central Illinois was examined for arguable paleopathological correlates of sedentism (treponemal disease) and Mississippianization (tuberculosis). The Schroeder Mounds (AD 900–1100) adult skeletal sample (N = 53) exhibited a high frequency of treponemal disease (13.2–15.1%). This result is consistent with paleopathological literature linking a 9+ % pre‐Columbian North American prevalence with sedentism, challenging archaeologically based inferences that the hinterland was occupied by mobile forager‐horticulturalists. A hallmark of Mississippianization is the presence of diagnostic cases of tuberculosis. No cases were observed in the Schroeder sample, suggesting a pre‐Mississippian subsistence‐settlement pattern. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

15.
Since the 1980s, several experimental analyses have been able to differentiate some lithic tool types and some of their raw materials according to the morphology of cut marks imprinted by such tools when used for butchering activities. Thus, metal tool use has been differentiated in contexts with an abundance of lithic tools, or even the use of hand axes has been documented in carcass processing, in contrast with simple unretouched or retouched flakes. As important as this information is, there are still other important aspects to be analysed. Can cut marks produced with different lithic raw material types be differentiated? Can cut marks made with different types of the same raw material type be characterized and differentiated? The objective of this study is to evaluate if cut marks resulting from the use of different flints and different quartzites are distinguishable from each other. In the present work, an experimental analysis of hundreds of cut marks produced by five types of flint and five varieties of quartzite was carried out. Microphotogrammetry and geometric–morphometric techniques were applied to analyse these cut marks. The results show that flint cut marks and quartzite cut marks can be characterized at the assemblage level. Different types of flint produced cut marks that were not significantly different from each other. Cut marks made with Olduvai Gorge quartzite were significantly different from those produced with a set comprising several other types of quartzites. Crystal size, which is larger in Olduvai Gorge quartzites (0.5 mm) than Spanish quartzites (177–250 μm), is discussed as being the main reason for these statistically significant differences. This documented intra‐sample and inter‐sample variance does not hinder the resolution of the approach to differentiate between these two generic raw material types and opens the door for the application of this method in archaeological contexts.  相似文献   

16.
Considerations of Native American warriorhood are likely to conjure images of male‐bodied, masculine individuals. While the majority of formally recognized warriors may have indeed fit this mould, it is also true that female‐bodied/feminine warriors have been historically documented in many places, including North America. Further, even in cases where women were not formally recognized as such, it seems likely that they played offensive and defensive roles on an ‘as needed’ basis, such as on subsistence outings or when their homes and families were under attack. In this paper, we seek to explore the intersection of womanhood and warfare‐related violence at Morton Village (11 F2) and the associated Norris Farms #36 cemetery. This late prehistoric community in the Central Illinois River Valley has been the subject of extensive bioarchaeological interest regarding high levels of skeletally indicated violent trauma. We review this osteological evidence in addition to incorporating mortuary and subsistence perspectives on the ideology and practice of warfare at this time and place. A tripartite approach considering osteological trauma patterns, mortuary commemoration, and new interpretations of community life leads us to suggest an alternate interpretation—one in which Morton Village women are, in at least some instances, considered as active defenders of their community and lifeways rather than passive victims of violence. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

17.
The skeletal material of 299 individual skeletons was recovered from 78 graves in central Copenhagen in 2006. The graves were part of a temporary cemetery serving the Copenhagen Hospital for the Poor in the period 1842–1858. It is known that the hospital supplied cadavers for teaching and dissection. Fifty‐two skeletons and bones were found to have cut marks and saw marks, indicative of post mortem surgical interventions: dissection, autopsy, anatomical specimens and surgical practice. The material was closely examined for healing at the sawn edges and signs of diseases. It was attempted to differentiate the surgical procedures from one another and give an overview of the material and historical context. We were mostly unable to attach a specific post mortem surgical procedure to the skeletal elements; however, we present some cases that most likely represent a specific surgical intervention. An excavation of similarly processed bone material from London Hospital from the same time period was used as the main reference material. The skeletal material described here offers a view upon the medical development, teaching and training amongst surgeons and anatomists in mid‐19th century. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

18.
The use of surgical techniques in ancient Egyptian medicine has only been suggested indirectly through ancient medical texts and iconography, and there is no evidence of amputation as a means of therapeutic medical treatment. This paper presents four cases of amputation from the archaeological site of Dayr al‐Barshā, Egypt. Two of the cases (dated to the First Intermediate and Middle Kingdom periods, respectively) are from individuals that display bilateral amputations of the feet, one through the metatarso‐phalangeal joints, the other a transmetatarsal amputation. The exact reason for the amputation, perhaps from trauma or disease, is unknown. The particular healing patterns of the distal ends of the amputations suggest these individuals used foot binding or prosthetic devices. Another case represents a healed amputation of the left ulna near the elbow, dated to the Old Kingdom. The final case represents a perimortem amputation of the distal end of the right humerus. The exact date of this individual is unknown, but most likely pertains to the Old Kingdom or First Intermediate period. This individual seems to have suffered a traumatic incident shortly before death, sustaining many fractures, including a butterfly fracture on the right humerus. Several cut marks were identified on top of the butterfly fracture, indicating amputation of the arm at this point. All four cases support the hypothesis that the ancient Egyptians did use amputation as a therapeutic medical treatment for particular diseases or trauma. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

19.
This paper examines the osteological evidence for a case of long‐term labret use in pre‐Columbian north Chile and the pathological conditions associated with it. The burials from the site of Solcor 3 (AD 400–900) included a complete skeleton associated with two quartz labrets. Analysis of the skeleton of this adult male revealed wear and polish on the labial surface of both mandibular canines, indicating that the labrets were worn as a pair on either side of the midline of the lower lip. In addition to these abrasion facets, there were also areas of periosteal reaction in the alveolar bone of the canines. These patterns were analysed from the perspective of the clinical dentistry literature and compared to archaeological data. It is concluded that this individual's dental health was affected by wearing labrets, although not as seriously as might be expected based on contemporary medical reports. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

20.
Áridos 1 and Áridos 2 (Madrid, Spain) are two Middle Pleistocene sites belonging to the isotopic stages 9–11. Both places contain partial carcasses of Elephas (Paleoxodon) antiquus associated to Acheulian stone tools. In this work, the taphonomic study of the elephant remains of Áridos 2 is presented. This study has documented several cut marks on different bones, which indicate bulk flesh and viscerae extraction by Middle Pleistocene hominins. Several arguments are provided to support that at least some of the cut marks were made with handaxes, further suggesting that some of these artifacts were butchering tools in this stage of human evolution. Although cut marks on elephant carcasses have been documented at some Middle Pleistocene sites, very few have been published in detail to allow consideration of their status as hominin-imparted marks. By doing so, the present study provides more evidence of large carcass exploitation by hominins during this period.  相似文献   

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