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TheTrésor des chartes is probably one of the best preserved single collection of archives of the ancient French monarchy. Paradoxically, however, it was never part of a central record office in the modern sense. This large and confused mass of documentation slowly emerged as a records collection during the XIIIth century. Although it seemed to follow the construction of a State administration, it was already inactive by the middle of the XIVth century. Its records and charters, prestigious and inaccessible, were kept in the Sainte-Chapelle of Paris, close to the relics of the Passion bought by Louis the Ninth. As a record of the past it played a crucial role in the social construction of a notion of «perpetuity» suitable to the domanial and dynastic ideals of the monarchy. The ambiguities of this medieval heritage became obvious in the early modern period. Although there were a large number of inventories and classifications of theTrésor des chartes, it was never able to incorporate the other State records. The Republic inherited a majestic sanctuary which can certainly be described as a piece of shared memory, but which is unable to summarize the genesis of the Nation.  相似文献   

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This article considers the legacy of 1970s revolutionary thought and political action within Argentine cultural production. Liliana Heker’s 1996 novel El fin de la historia is a fictional depiction of MontoneraLucy’ Carazo, who was taken as a political prisoner, fell in love with and seduced her captor, and went on to collaborate with the military regime. Similar stories continue to arise and generate a great deal of debate in present-day Argentina, at the same time that Heker's novel itself continues to elicit controversial critical and cultural responses. This close reading of the novel thus situates itself within present-day debates regarding the ethics and politics of 1970s armed struggle as well as ongoing debates concerning individuals who abjure or betray their commitment to 1970s revolutionary causes. The analysis focuses on seduction and sexuality as a means of leading the novel’s protagonist astray from the cultural topoi of revolutionary martyrdom and heroism.  相似文献   

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This article offers a new reading of Miguel de Unamuno's San Manuel Bueno, mártir. Critics have traditionally focused on the question of the protagonist's supposed lack of faith and sought to relate San Manuel's doubts in the novel to Unamuno's own religious views. Although this novel is very much concerned with religion, eschatology, and social issues, it is also an extremely sophisticated literary narration wherein the use of irony and ambiguity remains perhaps unequalled in Spanish contemporary literature. By considering the principles of linguistic pragmatics, this article shows that in her account of San Manuel's life, the female narrator tells the dramatic story of the love she and San Manuel felt for each other. By means of a complex use of ambiguity, Unamuno writes a novel that can be read in two different ways: the religious novel and the love novel.  相似文献   

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Pascal’s Expériences nouvelles touchant le vide (1647) outlines a physical demonstration that aims to put to an end controversies between plenists and vacuists. The traditional form of the dispute with which Pascal wanted to break, however, finds itself reactivated by Étienne Noël, who takes up again the plenist objections which the Expériences nouvelles only consider as possible the better to refute them. Pascal’s letters Au très révérend père Noël and À Monsieur Le Pailleur on the contrary permit one to define a field of disputation different from the one which Noël perpetuates. Pascal subordinates the dispute to the recognition of common epistemological principles: the antithetical discussion about the vacuum should be governed by methodological criteria accepted by all. In contrast with the model of the learned dispute, Pascal thus defines a radically new model: the scientific dispute.  相似文献   

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The Historia de la conquista de México, published by Antonio de Solís in 1684, and later extensively reissued and translated, has been praised for the ‘elegance’ and ‘sweetness’ of its style. From very early on these qualities made the Historia to be read as a prose model worthy of imitation. Different scholars have studied Solís's sources and the way he manipulated them on the one hand, and, on the other, the extent of the reliability of his account. However, very little has been said about the actual writing practices of the Historia in the context of contemporary historiographical theories, or the author's own ideas about history or politics. This paper analyzes how some of these rhetorical techniques (I particularly focus on the use of oratio figurata, sententia, and epiphoneme) gave shape to Solís's political ideas, in particular the concept of prudence.  相似文献   

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After independence, the history of national liberation in Algeria was largely managed by the single-party state. Founding figures of Algerian nationalism such as Messali Hadj and Ferhat Abbas were shrouded in silence. Since 1988 a plurality of voices has emerged and a number of historic figures have been rehabilitated. The state of quasi-civil war which has existed since 1992 between government forces and Islamic insurgents has, nevertheless, continued to inhibit discussion of human rights abuses during the war of independence. The recent resurgence in France of the debate over the use of torture during the Algerian war has been largely ignored by the Algerian government. The status of harkis , Algerian Muslims who fought on the side of the French during the war of independence, also remains acutely sensitive in official Algerian circles. Events such as the 'Berber Spring' of 2001 are continuing to press the authorities towards greater openness.  相似文献   

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Referring mainly to texts published after the passage of the constitutional bill on gender parity in politics, this article asks theoretical questions about how French intellectuals understand the issue of 'women and politics'. It raises questions about 'differentialism' and 'discrimination', two notions that keep recurring in critiques of parity. By continuously emphasising the differentialism of parity advocates, 'republican feminists' may end up reinforcing and popularising this notion. Furthermore, parity critics' constant references to 'discrimination' may (intentionally or not) encourage the view that women are just another 'minority'. Do these two mutally reinforcing developments point to a 'socialisation of politics'? Is such a trend unavoidable when thinking about the links between 'women' and 'politics'?  相似文献   

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