Cooperation networks and actors in semi‐colonial China, 1860–1911

This paper focuses on “cooperation networks” for the provision of public goods and services as a specific form of governance in late imperial China. While concentrating on differing forms of local self‐regulation at the end of the Qing dynasty, the article pinpoints several actors involved in the cooperation networks and (re)classifies them along the continuum of “public” and “private.” In addition to state and non‐state actors, the players included semi‐state or hybrid actors with profound network advantages who played a crucial role in the provision of governance services, as well as colonial and transnational actors who occasionally took part in this cooperation. To contextualize these actors and illustrate their modes of interaction, this paper will describe cooperation networks established for the provision of disaster relief and education in local society in late Qing China. In so doing, this paper also will question participants' motives and describe their personal gains, as well as the accumulation of symbolic capital as major incentives.     

Elite theory and neo‐elite theory understandings of democracy: An analysis and criticism

Paieto and Mosca, the original elite theorists, in addition to combating socialism developed a new analysis of and set of norms for democratic societies. Some democratic theorists counter‐attacked while others tried to incorporate parts of elite theory into their understandings of democracy. ‘Neo‐elite’ theorists, however, have returned the compliment and tried to turn democratic theory into a sub‐branch of elite theory. In my re‐examination of the work of Pareto and Mosca and criticism of neo‐elitism, it is argued that although neo‐elitists may appear to be more sympathetic to democracy than were Pareto and Mosca, they make less of a contribution to the understanding of democratic government and their work has a greater tendency to give democratic forms an oligarchic content.     

Seasonal and Spatial patterns in sheep grazing on a high‐level plateau in the Grampian Mountains,Scotland

Sheep usage of part of the summit of Glas Maol was monitored by pellet‐group counts to determine impact on Carex bigelowii‐Racomitrium lanuginosum moss heath. The effects of a fenced skiing corridor in giving shelter and disrupting ranging movements were assessed. Dung deposition was appreciable only from June to September each year, and heaviest in July and August; occupance seemed to depend on the presence of substantial quantities of green herbage. Dung deposition was much greater within 5 m of the fence, probably because of its sheltering effect. The estimated May‐October stocking of 1.1 sheep ha^‐1 on the main plateau is surprisingly heavy for the altitude, whereas usage by red deer was negligible.     

Local voting at local elections revisited: ‘Friends and neighbors voting’ at mayoral elections in rural Poland

Voters' tendency to support local candidates, often referred to as ‘friends and neighbors voting’, is a spatial-political phenomenon studied for over 70 years. The last decade has seen a revival of interest in this issue. Relevant studies typically focus on large-scale national electoral contests, such as national parliamentary elections. The research efforts targeting local elections are, by contrast, scarce, in most cases dating back to the 1970s. In this article, we address this relative gap in the electoral geography literature and study ‘friends and neighbors voting’ at the most recent set of mayoral elections in Poland, held in 2018. Based on a rich dataset, covering elections in over 700 rural municipalities, we demonstrate strong local candidate effects in both voter choice and voter turnout. The results point to the potential relevance of both geographic distance and a place (locality) attachment; voters tend to prefer candidates living close to them and candidates enjoy an additional surplus of votes in their home localities. Our results also tend to echo the sparse previous findings emphasizing the possibility that the presence of a local candidate boosts voter turnout in a given area. While the limitations of our data do not allow unequivocal conclusions about the exact mechanisms driving the aforementioned effects, we put forward a number of plausible, grounded conjectures as to how such effects may operate.     

Torres Strait elections, 2000 and 2004: Changes in political leadership and style?

Torres Strait has 18 local governments, elections for which were held in March of both 2000 and 2004 in conjunction with other local government elections in Queensland. Elections were also held at these times for additional positions on two regional representative bodies for Torres Strait, the Island Co-ordinating Council and the Torres Strait Regional Authority. This paper examines all these elections, focusing on changes in political leadership and also a possible emerging change in political style in Torres Strait.     

Structure and culture in a non‐partisan Westminster parliament: Canada's northwest territories

For legislatures which have not developed out of indigenous political culture, it is important to understand the interplay of structure and culture. This paper examines the influence of structural arrangements and of cultural context on the attitudes and perceptions of members of the legislature in Canada's Northwest Territories (NWT). This institution is marked by a notable lack of congruence between its British cabinet‐parliamentary structure and the aboriginal political culture of NWT society. Structure and culture are both found to be important influences, but on different attitudinal dimensions: structure affects members’ perceptions of how political processes work, whereas culture determines members’ normative evaluations of politics.     

Politics without democracy 1815–1914: Perception and preoccupation in British government

Nietzsche's embrace of the idea of eternal recurrence has long puzzled readers, both because the idea is inherently implausible and because it seems inconsistent with other aspects of his philosophy. This paper offers a novel account of Nietzsche's motives for that embrace—namely that Nietzsche found in eternal recurrence the only possible way to reconcile three potent and apparently conflicting convictions: (1) there are no Hinterwelten (“worlds-beyond”), (2) the great love (take joy in) all things just as they are (amor fati), and (3) all joy wills eternity. The case for this account has two parts. I show first that Nietzsche was deeply committed to each of these principles at or before the time the idea of eternal recurrence “came to” him in 1881 and second that these principles, though in apparent conflict, can, as Nietzsche understood them, be reconciled by, and only by, the idea of eternal recurrence. It follows, I argue, that the idea of eternal recurrence was originally independent of Nietzsche's conceptions of the will to power and the Übermensch.     

Socio‐spatial mix and inter‐ethnic attitudes: Jewish newcomers and Arab‐Jewish issues in the Galilee

Urban and regional planners tend to recommend spatial mix of socially diverse populations as an appropriate strategy to achieve social equity and improve inter‐group relations. However, the actual impact of such a mix on social relations in general, and inter‐ethnic attitudes in particular, has been subject to on‐going, yet inconclusive, debates among social scientists. This paper adds to the study of these issues by examining the inter‐ethnic attitudes of residents in Jewish ‘new settlements’ (elsewhere termed ‘community settlements’, or ‘mitzpim'), which were established some 15 years ago among the Arab villages of Israel's central Galilee region. We found that despite certain strands of ethnocentrism, most Jewish settlers hold significantly more moderate views on Arab‐Jewish issues than: (a) the general (non‐Galilee) Jewish public in Israel; and (b) the region's Arab population. The influence of the socio‐spatial mix on the moderation of hostile attitudes, at least among the Jews, is analyzed and explained by comparing our data with the findings of previous research on the topic. On the basis of that comparison we conclude that the Arab — Jewish mix in the Galilee, along with socio‐economic characteristics of the Jewish population and the existence of a ‘penetrating group phenomenon’, have combined to moderate Jewish attitudes in the study region. Planners are called upon to use this knowledge.     

Social change and sexual mores: a comparison between pre‐20th‐century Norway and 20th‐century Botswana

This article compares pre‐20th‐century Norway and 20th‐century Botswana—two settings separated by time and space but sharing a sharp rise in non‐nuptial births. The comparison seeks to create a synergetic analytical effect by combining firsthand, experience‐near field data from Botswana with solid historical analyses of bastardy in Europe. This radical comparison provides a perspective that highlights the importance of treating “culture” not as a residual category, but as an integral part of everything social. This implies that there is a need not only for a proper sociocultural contextualization of localities, but also for an analysis of extra‐local power structures as fundamentally cultural, reflecting not only bureaucratic and political concerns but also values and existential perspectives.     

Towards a chequebook democracy? Business,parties and the funding of politics in Italy and the United States

This article seeks to establish to what extent Silvio Berlusconi's entry into electoral politics as leader of Forza Italia signals an ‘Americanization’ of Italian politics. It argues that Italian party democracy is moving in an ‘American’ direction in two ways. First, Italian party organizations are declining, leading to a more candidate-centred type of electoral politics. Second, the decline of parties is enhancing the ability of business to use its financial clout to tailor public policy to its own requirements. However, these trends do not have identical effects in Italy and the United States. This article will also show that this process of ‘Americanization’ interacts with the existing political praxis and institutional framework of Italian politics to produce an outcome which differs from both the traditional Western European model and the American model of party democracy. It will be concluded that this outcome seriously undermines representative democracy in Italy.     

Being and nothingness in Chinese kinship: Three meta‐studies

Baker, Hugh D. R., Chinese Family and Kinship. New York: Columbia University Press, 1979. xii + 243 pp. including chapter references, index, appendices, and glossary. $17.50 cloth.

Wolf, Arthur P. and Chieh‐shan Huang, Marriage and Adoption in China, 1845–1945. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980. xx + 426 pp. including chapter references, index, appendices, and glossary. $18.95 cloth.

Chao, Paul, Chinese Kinship. London: Kegan Paul International, 1983. xiii + 243 pp. including chapter references, index, and glossary. £15 cloth.