浙江省历史上地方自治回顾

清末民初,浙江省推行地方自治在各州县乡镇已普遍存在。虽然各地自治遭遇各种顽固势力的抵制、扼杀,但地方自治的精神却已影响和改变着基层社会。辛亥革命的成功为浙江地方自治的发展准备了政权基础,推动了浙江省议会的成立和自治法律的颁布,探索了城镇乡的基层社会自治,对民间社会产生了一定的影响。本文即从浙江省自治制度的演变和基层自治实践角度着手,对浙江省地方自治作一简要回顾。     

南京政府“地方自治”制度设计的演变

南京政府成立后,在遵照"总理遗教"的名义下开展了轰轰烈烈的"地方自治"运动,这场运动与国民党在大陆的统治相始终。"地方自治"的制度设计是整个"地方自治"的基础,南京政府时期地方自治制度经历了一个发展演变的过程。最初设计的制度由于"过于理想",而没能真正推行。随后,南京政府对地方自治制度不断进行修改变通,直至"纳保甲于自治之中",强化对基层社会的控制。抗战爆发后,南京政府整合了此前实施的基层管理制度,在地方自治的名义下推行了"新县制"。南京政府"地方自治"制度演变的总体趋势是不断强化对基层社会的控制。     

抗战时期国统区筹办“地方自治”浅析

抗战时期国统区筹办“地方自治”浅析王世勇抗日战争时期,国民党政府出于各种政治需要,继续推行其所谓的＂训政＂,并以贯彻孙中山的地方自治理论相标榜,开始在国统区实施＂新县制＂,强化国民党基层政权并建立了各级自治机关。这不仅扩大了蒋介石政权的社会基础,而且...     

地方政府的百科全书--评《广西通志·政府志》

我国方志自明代形成比较规范的体例以来,一直很重视地方政权沿革与典制的记载。传统方志在“沿革”、“职官”、“官署”、“名宦”或“宦绩”项下保存了大量的地方政权资料,为当代志书留下了可贵的遗产。然而传统农业社会的国家组织简单,地方政府职能以钱粮、刑名等为大端,社会、经济等方面的功能不发达。所谓“国家的权力只下延至县一级,县以下是自治的乡村”之说虽未免言过其实,但国家政权对民间社会的干预和组织力度的确与现代国家不可同日而语。因而新时代地方志对地方政权的记述实是一项创造性很强的、无先例可循的探索。建国后(主要…     

地方政府的百科全书——评《广西通志·政府志》

我国方志自明代形成比较规范的体例以来,一直很重视地方政权沿革与典制的记载。传统方志在“沿革”、“职官”、“官署”、“名宦”或“宦绩”项下保存了大量的地方政权资料,为当代志书留下了可贵的遗产。然而,传统农业社会的国家组织简单,地方政府职能以钱粮、刑名等为大端,社会、经济等方面的功能不发达。所谓“国家的权力只下延至县一级,县以下是自治的乡村”之说虽未免言过其实,但国家政权对民间社会的干预与组织力度的确比现代国家不可同日而语。因而新时代地方志的地方政权入志体例实是一项创造性很强的、无先例可循的探索。建…     

抗战胜利后中共的地方自治思想

地方自治属于民主政治的范畴,是指“在一定的领土单位之内,全体居民组成法人团体（地方自治团体）,在宪法和法律规定的范围内,并在国家监督下,按照自己的意志组织地方自治机关,利用本地区的财力,处理本区域的公共事务的一种地方政治制度”。注抗战胜利之后,中国共产党主张地方自治,对于争取解放区政权合法地位,推动政治民主化发展具有重要意义。     

战前中国的区乡行政：以江苏省为中心

国民党执掌全国政权后,自上而下构筑了一条党政并行的政治双轨。但在战前,其党的组织触角基本上止于县城,而行政轨道则逐渐延伸到县以下乡村社会。国家政权的下延,与20世纪乡村政治文化生态的衰颓相激荡。自治名义下的区乡组织实际成为国家政权的行政末梢;原本偏重政治控制的保甲,最终沦为社会征取的重要工具。区乡保甲体制的相继建立,恰逢其会地为土豪劣绅提供了一个纵横驰骋的舞台。国家政权的深化与地方精英的恶化相伴随,乡村社会日益沦为贫穷与动荡交错的深渊。     

孙中山、蒋介石与民国保甲制度的复兴

民国保甲制度的复兴,既与孙中山地方自治思想的局限性有关,更与蒋介石对这种局限性的夸大和歪曲有关。孙中山关于地方自治的训政设计、认为中国民众"一盘散沙"以及重视传统社会乡村组织的作用,恰为蒋介石统制和训练民众、恢复保甲制度提供了解释的空间。然而,二者的地方自治思想有着本质差异。在理论基础方面,孙中山强调"主权在民",主张权利与义务的统一,而蒋介石更强调人民单方面应尽的义务;在实施主体上,孙中山强调以县为地方自治单位,体现中央与地方的分权,蒋介石则强调县以下基层乡村为自治单位,体现了国家对社会的控制;在推进方式上,孙中山主张用教育方式训练民众,逐步扩大民权,蒋介石更强调以军事化手段强化民众的服从意识;在借鉴中国古代传统时,孙中山主张融贯中西,探索适合中国实际的地方自治模式,而蒋介石借鉴中国古代保甲制度则是为了"剿共"的现实需要。     

一九○五年以前中国的地方自治思潮

地方自治,是欧美资产阶级反对封建专制,要求参与政权提出来的。西方资产阶级启蒙思想家卢梭认为,实现全民政治,其一领土不能太大,其二人口不能太多。人口太多,领土太大,让人民直接表示公意是困难的。这种理论,已隐约地显示了近代地方自治的特点。著名思想家杰弗逊对地方自治尤为重视。他说,地方自治和普及教育是实行“民治”的两大基础。实行地方自治,一可以吸引人们关心政治和公共事物,二可以使人民卓有成效地监督政府,“防止它的一切权力集中到一个人,少数人,     

清末两级地方自治中的官治与自治模式

清末地方自治包括府厅州县和城镇乡地方自治两个层级,并建构了两个层级不同的官治与自治模式,即在城镇乡一级实行"以自治辅助官治",而府厅州县则实行"自治与官治合并"之制度。两种模式都借鉴了日本自治制度,但都有所不同。就清末城镇乡地方自治的运行来看,由于地方自治章程赋予官府监督自治之权,也由于自治团体为谋求地方利益,常常也会与官府对立,所以,官治与自治常常处于矛盾冲突之中。     

Christian co-operation and the ecumenical ideal in the 1930s and 1940s

This article looks at the early ecumenical movement and the difficulties confronting Christian co-operation. It is particularly concerned with co-operation between the Roman and non-Roman churches. It explores how a combination of institutional suspicion, individual prejudice, and political considerations at both the national and international level, exacerbated an already complex and difficult situation caused by deep doctrinal divisions and ancient animosity. In addition to the institutional obstacles to be overcome in realising the ecumenical ideal, its advocates, despite believing in the principle and working selflessly toward its achievement, harboured severe doubts about the inclusion of the Roman Catholic Church which hindered the very task they had set themselves. Insights into this dilemma are provided by the struggle of William Temple, perhaps one of the most well known and respected figures in the ecumenical movement, to overcome his own anti-Roman sentiments and suspicions. Temple's inner conflicts and the influence of external events are key components illustrating the complex amalgam of problems that confronted early ecumenists. Post-war reactions following Temple's death to his efforts to facilitate a wartime approach to Pius XII serve not only to extend the insights, but also to demonstrate further the constraints and limitations imposed by secular as well as ecclesiastical politics.     

论20世纪七八十年代日本的石油危机对策

面对突如其来的石油危机 ,日本首先在对外政策上采取稳住石油供应对策 ,放弃对阿以冲突的“中立”政策 ,采取支持阿拉伯国家的“亲阿拉伯”政策 ,加强同中东产油国关系。随着石油危机的缓解 ,日本又积极开展国际合作 ,与西方石油消费大国共同合作避免石油危机再度袭来。与此同时 ,日本在对内政策上大力开展调整主要产业结构对策 ,放弃以重化学工业为主的产业结构 ,发展低能耗、高科技产业 ,力争从根本上摆脱石油危机的困扰。     

Bad Language and BBC Radio Four in the 1960s and 1970s

In the late 1960s and early 1970s there was a new intensityto complaints from listeners to BBC Radio about the strong languagethey heard on the air. There had long been a public expectationthat the BBC had some form of ‘guardianship’ overthe English language, but there was also now a desire from manyproducers within the BBC to reflect contemporary society moreclosely than it had done in the past, and the use of demoticspeech in dramas and documentaries was one dimension of thischange. Such a desire was part of a broader move towards ‘decensorship’in literature, film, theatre, and popular mores in Britain inthis period. The tension this caused between broadcasters andlisteners was especially acute on Radio Four—the main‘broad brow’ speech network of BBC Radio, and onecharacterized by a fiercely conservative audience. Through previouslyunpublished records of its internal discussions between c.1968and c.1979, this article explores the response of the BBC tolisteners’ complaints and press coverage about swearing.It suggests that BBC Radio reacted strongly to audience concern,but that wider anxiety about the reputation of the BBC as awhole also affected decisions over language. In so doing, itillustrates a previously neglected dimension to the BBC's taskof negotiating a precarious consensus on matters of taste anddecency.     

The globalisation process and the Eastern bloc countries in the 1970s and 1980s

This article examines the position of the Eastern Bloc countries in the economic globalisation which spread in the last third of the twentieth century. The main emphasis is on the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). Therefore two significant dimensions of economic globalisation have been selected: trade and capital-market transactions. The first part of this paper provides an outline of globalisation processes and their causes during the 1970s and 1980s. The second part deals with the role of Eastern bloc countries in globalisation trends, including an examination of the motivations and intentions behind their foreign-trade operations. This becomes the basis to explore the attitude of Eastern bloc countries to the institutions of globalisation (the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GATT], the International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the World Bank). As it turns out, it seems questionable whether the Eastern bloc countries had ever been able actively to determine the conditions of globalisation. They probably only had an influence as their very existence presented a line of demarcation to the global world: because of their own policies and because of the defence reactions of the West.     

Reforming Connoisseurship: State and Collectors in Shanghai in the 1950s and 1960s

This paper examines the relationship between the state and art collectors during the 1950s and 1960s in Shanghai. It explores how the state gained control over art and collecting, by building state museums, by co-opting connoisseurs and their collections, and by extending “socialist transformation” to the antiquities market in 1956. However, state control was far from complete, and some trade in antiquities continued outside of official channels. To crack down on this illegal trade, cultural authorities in Shanghai launched a Five-Antis Campaign in 1964 to punish alleged art speculators. Through its cultural institutions and political campaigns, the state controlled culture but did not monopolize it.     

20世纪五六十年代《大公报》的改组与转型

新中国成立后,《大公报》之所以能够成为新中国财经战线的机关报,与它作为民办报纸的影响力有关,与它政治立场的适时转变有关,与它对于资本主义的了解、对于国际问题报道的熟捻有关。《大公报》的成功改组和转型,反映了中共对于优秀文化资产改造和利用的有效性,有成功的经验和可资吸取的教训。     

20世纪五六十年代中国史学的基本走向

20世纪已经结束了。 2 0世纪的中国发生了天翻地覆的巨大变化。2 0世纪的中国史学同样经历了急剧的演变。在跨入新世纪的时刻 ,为了更好地推动中国史学的发展 ,我们很有必要认真地总结和反思它在 2 0世纪的发展。大家都承认 ,2 0世纪的中国史学取得了重大的成就 ,同时也存在许多问题。在学界中对这些成就和问题至今存在着不同的看法 ,这本是很正常的现象。重要的是 ,我们应该通过不同意见的交流和切磋来加深我们的认识 ,更好地进行总结和反思 ,从而促使我国的史学在新世纪发展得更快更健康。这就是本刊举办这次学术讨论的目的。应该说明的是 :一 ,这次学术讨论的题目和范围是 2 0世纪中国史学的发展 ,重点是 1 94 9年新中国成立以后。二 ,讨论的重点是对 2 0世纪的中国史学或其中的某个阶段 ,或某个学派 ,某个学术思潮 ,某个史学分支 ,某个重大专题 ,某个史学领域 ,某种重要现象等从总体上进行观察和评述。一般不对某个具体学者进行讨论和评述。三 ,讨论必须坚持“百花齐放 ,百家争鸣”的方针。欢迎发表各种不同意见 ,进行平等的讨论。四 ,讨论中的任何意见均不代表编辑部的看法。文责均由作者自负。