周恩来与高碕达之助万隆会谈

一辆黑色小车一大早从院里驶出来,廖承志就坐在里面。车子驶到独立宫附近的霍曼饭店时,日本政府首席代表高碕达之助已经等候在饭店门前。车子马达都没有熄火,车门一开,高碕迅速上车,车子立即开走。周恩来与高碕达之助的万隆秘密会谈在这种紧张的气氛下揭开了帷幕,中日关系也由此翻开了新的一页。     

中日友好贸易始末

新中国成立初期,由于中日两国尚未建立外交关系,两国贸易只能以民间形式进行.1955年中日第三次民间贸易协定签订后,两国贸易往来渐趋频繁,至1957年,双边贸易额已达11400万美元.但日本岸信介政府上台后,对中国奉行"政治上敌视,经济上捞一把"的错误政策,致使双方关于第四次民间贸易协定的谈判出现了波折.特别是1958年5月,日本政府在长崎纵容暴徒侮辱中国国旗,引起中国人民的极大愤慨,中国政府被迫宣布中断对日贸易.进入60年代,随着国内外形势的变化,特别是日本池田内阁对华政策的调整,周恩来总理不失时机地提出了中日贸易三原则(即政府协定、民间合同、个别照顾),打开了中日贸易的僵局.友好贸易就是在该原则指导下最直接的成果.所谓"友好贸易",是指所有愿意发展对华贸易的日本商社必须对新中国持友好态度,只有经过有关部门认定的日本友好商社才能同中国外贸部门开展贸易往来.     

中苏经贸四十年

新中国与苏联自1950年建立经济贸易关系以来已经整整40年了,40年来走过了曲折的道路之后又出现了光明的前景。本文拟对这40年的中苏经济贸易关系做一简略的回顾与粗浅的分析,同时对今后中苏经济贸易的发展前景进行初步的探讨,以求教于专家、学者。 中华人民共和国成立之后即与苏联建立了经济贸易联系。1950年4月19日,中苏两国政府签订了贸易协定,这是社会主义新中国与外国签订的第一个政府间的贸易协定,它为两国的经贸发展开拓了宽广的道路,从此中苏经贸进入一个全新的历史时期。     

中苏分裂与1960年代日本的对华政策

本文旨在讨论日本对1960年代中苏分裂带来的冷战政治转型的反应,揭示日本两派政治家们对中苏关系的看法:"保守主流派"的政治家认为,中苏关系将会分裂,并预感到中国将加入西方阵营对抗苏联。而"反吉田派"政治家则认为,中苏关系是稳固的,并重视日本同苏联的关系。虽然两派都影响了1960—1972年间的日本对华和对苏外交,但是由于这一时期所有首相都来自"保守主流派",因此,"亲华反苏"的路线在此时期的日本外交中相对更为重要。虽然从总体上看,日本对这一时期的美、苏、中三个大国之间的国际政治影响甚微,但是田中角荣的亲华政策在某种程度上对国际秩序乃至推动中国融入西方都产生了影响。     

美日返还琉球群岛施政权谈判中的财政补偿问题

1969年12月2日,美日两国代表签署的《财政谅解备忘录》是美日返还琉球群岛施政权谈判进程中的秘密谅解文件。它规定,日本政府要向美国政府支付5.2亿美元财政补偿。但是,在1971年6月17日美日两国政府签署并对外公开的《美日关于琉球群岛和大东群岛协定》中,仅仅规定日本政府向美国政府支付3.2亿美元财政补偿,有意隐瞒了《财政谅解备忘录》的真相。为此,美日两国政府精心谋划应对本国国会审议的策略,相互协调应对本国国会质疑有关财政补偿问题的答辩方式。美日两国政府之所以采取双重方式处理财政补偿问题,最根本的原因在于要竭力避免佐藤荣作政府被日本国会和公众舆论指斥为"赎回冲绳"。     

"三支两军"述论

"三支两军"是"文化大革命"时期的一项重大事件,1967年初开始,全国处于"打倒一切"、"全面内乱"的局面,整个社会生活陷入极度混乱之中,武斗成风,局势难以控制.为制止全国混乱局面,毛泽东决定派人民解放军执行"三支两军"任务.从1967-1972年,人民解放军先后派出了280余万名指战员担负这项任务."三支两军"人员在艰巨复杂的情况下,坚持全心全意为人民服务的宗旨,冒着生命危险,努力维护局势稳定,制止武斗,保护了一些老干部和知名人士的安全,保护了一些重要单位和设施免遭破坏,维护了全国的交通、邮政、金融、财政、武器研制的相对正常的活动,等等."三支两军"既有积极的作用,但也带来了一些消极的后果.     

第一个中日民间贸易协议签订始末——兼论中国对日本民间外交的肇始

新中国成立之初,为打破美国的封锁遏制,打开对日外交的困顿局面,中国利用民间渠道,积极推动与日本民间的经贸往来。在中国与日本民间贸易团体的共同努力下,第一个中日民间贸易协议最终达成,这是中国对日本民间外交政策的一次成功实践,在中日两国政府和民间都产生了广泛的影响。     

“国务卿先生”的对华平衡术

克里不是"亲华派",但至少不会歇斯底里般地强硬当地时间2012年12月21日,美国总统奥巴马在白宫提名现任参议院外交关系委员会主席、民主党人约翰·克里出任下一届国务卿,接替即将离任的希拉里·克林顿。奥巴马宣布提名时对克里赞赏有加:"约翰的人生经历简直就是为这个职位而准备的。他生下来就是国务院工作人员的     

中日官方贸易关系建立始末

建立中日官方贸易关系,是20世纪五六十年代中日民间贸易往来的重点,也是中国政府对发展中日贸易的一贯立场,但由于日本政府顾虑美台关系而未能实现.时至70年代初,随着尼克松访华,联合国恢复中国的合法席位,特别是1972年9月<中日联合声明>的发表,使得长期以来影响中日贸易发展的政治障碍被清除.中日恢复邦交后,两国政府立即开始了建立官方贸易关系的谈判历程.     

中苏、中蒙经贸新途径：吉林省对外经贸西进战略刍议

一、中苏贸易关系在发展中。中苏贸易关系已有很长的历史。其间虽曾间断,但进入80年代,随着两国关系的缓和,贸易状况也得到了改善,贸易额由1980年的4.9亿美元,上升到1988年的29亿美元。1989年中苏最高级会晤,又为两国贸易注入了新的活力,当年贸易额就上升到39.96亿美元。1990年两国政府间贸易协定额为52.3亿瑞士法郎,比1989年增长8％。苏联目前已成为我国仅次于港澳地区、日本、美国和西德的第五大贸易伙伴。我国与苏联的产品结构互补性很强。如我国的轻工日用产品,品种丰富且物美价     

‘Rocking the nation’: the popular culture of neo‐nationalism

The aim of this paper is to understand contemporary forms of nationalism in a socio‐political context in which neo‐nationalism has obtained a dominant role not just in politics but in public discourse and in the cultural field as well. It investigates the emergence of a particular music scene in the beginning of the 21^st century, shaped by rock bands and performers and supported by far‐right political actors, which has made the ‘national’ imagination emotionally and ideologically appealing to a considerable part of Hungarian society and first of all to young people.     

Groundnuts as ‘economic crop’ or ‘wife of the home’ in Northern Nyasaland

This paper examines points during the 1930s in which the colonial state in Nyasaland attempted and failed to bring groundnuts more into the colonial export economy. Nyasaland colonial officials, the Department of Agriculture, European export companies and the British Colonial Office attempted to establish the groundnut as an ‘economic crop’ for African smallholder farmers in the Northern Province of Nyasaland in the 1930s. Their failure was in part due to competing and conflicting interests: payment of hut taxes, reduction of millet production, improvement of food security, payment of railway costs, and reduction of migration. Farmers actively resisted colonial efforts to sell groundnuts to European buyers. The paper addresses the question: how can we understand the nature of colonial state power in relation to Nyasaland peasant agricultural practices in the 1930s? I argue that conflicting interests within the colonial state, as well as external constraints led to efforts to both stabilize and exploit the Nyasaland farmer in the Northern Province. These competing agendas helped lead to a failed effort at groundnut promotion. Colonial officials' actions were linked to ideas about gender, ethnicity and migration. Lack of colonial scientific knowledge about groundnuts, including their gendered role in the local food system contributed to the failure. The focus on groundnuts is a lens through which to understand the nature of colonial power in Nyasaland and the role of agricultural science in the colonial state. The paper contributes to broader discussions about multiple historical geographies of colonialism, the nature of African colonial states, and the relationship of African farmers to colonial states.     

On the origins of the name for the ‘Black Sea’

The name ‘Black Sea’ is widely attributed to the Anatolian Turks, due to their habit of referring to the South as ‘white’ and North as ‘black’. However, the appellation first appeared in a Hungarian document and later in sources originating further to the North, including Icelandic sagas and other Nordic narratives. The Turks themselves have a small and secondary role in using and spreading the name. Some scholars have suggested that the Cumans, a Turkic people once occupying regions to the North of the Black Sea, are the likely source. However, in medieval times Khazarian traditions seem to have used the term ‘Black Sea’ as well as ‘Great Sea’, though the relationships between the two terms require clarification. This essay seeks to reconcile these two traditions, and offers a conjectural Bulgar source for the Black Sea denomination.     

Being ‘there’: At the front line of the ‘European refugee crisis’ ‐ part 1

In the course of 2015, Skala Sykamnias, a fishing village and tourist idyll on the northern coast of Lesbos, by accident of its geographical location, has turned into the informal gate into Europe for more than 200.000 refugees. In this article the author analyses the massive flows of people and things that transverse his fieldwork site from different directions: the great diversity of actors enacting what are often dissonant ideals and strategies, the several theatres of operation and reception ‘structures’, both frontline and back stage, and the debates that revolve around humanitarian action in the region. The local community is falling apart whilst to the incoming it represents the gateway to freedom. It is becoming a mini theatre of conflicts that echoes wider debates on the political future of Europe.     

From nation to population: the racialisation of ‘Métis’ in the Canadian census†

ABSTRACT. Between 1996 and 2001 the ‘Métis population’ of Canada skyrocketed from 204,000 to 292,000, an astonishing and demographically improbable increase of 43 per cent. Most puzzling about this ‘increase’ is not so much the unpersuasive explanations offered by statisticians and others but, more fundamentally, the underlying assumption that such a thing as a ‘Métis population’ exists at all. In contrast, I argue that such an idea constitutes an artifact of Canada's racial/colonial episteme in which ‘the Métis’– formerly an indigenous nation invaded and displaced in the Canadian nation‐state's westward expansion – have been reduced in public and administrative discourse to include any indigenous individual who identifies as Métis: reduced, in other words, to (part of) a race. The paper argues further that the authority of the Canadian census as a privileged forum of contemporary meaning‐making in Canadian society is such that the lack of explicit Census categories to distinguish Métis Nation allegiance further naturalises a racialised construction of Métis at the expense of an indigenously national one.