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The authors content that, contrary to the views of other Soviet geographers, territorial-production complexes can arise under capitalism [for example, in the Ruhr], but that the growth of such regional complexes is slowed by what Marxist philosophy regards as “contradictions” and “antagonisms” in the capitalist system.  相似文献   

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International and regional impulses have shaped Canadian socialism from the movement’s origins in the nineteenth century to the present. Many of Canada’s early socialists arrived as ready-made socialists from abroad. From the British Isles, continental Europe, and the United States, these idealists and dissidents imported radical political ideals, which they subsequently adapted to meet the emerging conditions of an industrializing, urbanizing Canada. Directed at a broad cross-section of society, the early Canadian socialist rainbow featured many colours: Chartists, Christian socialists, cooperators, and, by the nineteenth century’s end—communists, anarchists, and other adherents of European radical movements. This process of importation, adaptation, and change took different forms in the distinctive regional contexts of Canada’s multi-ethnic federal state. Building on an interdisciplinary literature, the authors illuminate the ways in which international and regional impulses shaped Canada’s socialist tradition, helping to explain persistent tensions and forces within contemporary Canadian politics.  相似文献   

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晚明松江士人陈继儒绝意科举,以坐馆谋生。晚年获得官宦资助,得以隐居山野,尽管与山人具有一定的相似性,但始终不游走谋利,在明人眼中基本是名士,甚少以之为山人。然至清代,却被视为山人。从表面看,这是因乾隆时期蒋士铨夸大了陈继儒世俗功利的一面,《四库全书总目提要》又夸大了陈继儒隐逸山泽、忘却忧患的一面,但深层原因却是明清易代的政权更迭所催动的在野士人经世空间与学风、文风的巨大转变。这一事实不仅在一定程度上反映了清朝国家控制力加强与士人社会地位下降的历史趋势,而且反映出历史记忆与其他因素密切相关,具有因时而变的特点。  相似文献   

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中国古代的制陶原料有黏土、羼和料两大类。根据光谱测定和化学分析的结果,可将制陶原料中的黏土分为普通易熔黏土、高铝质耐火黏土、高硅质黏土、高镁质易熔黏土;因羼和料不同,古代陶器除泥质陶外,还有夹砂陶、夹云母陶、夹蚌陶、夹骨屑陶、夹炭陶和夹陶末陶等。其中“高硅质黏土”的概念比较重要,可将印纹硬陶与原始瓷区分为两类不同的产品:制作印纹硬陶的原料是高硅质黏土,而原始瓷制胎的原料是瓷石类岩状矿物。  相似文献   

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A discussion of the use of economic models for the planning of new industrial enterprises or changing the specialization of existing enterprises within industrial complexes. Despite some differences in N. N. Kolosovskiy's definition of a territorial production complex and Walter Isard's definition of an industrial complex, Isard's method of building economic models is found applicable to Soviet conditions.  相似文献   

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中国特色社会主义道路是引领各民族人民共同团结奋斗、共同繁荣发展的旗帜,也是民族关系和谐保障的社会制度选择,这是符合国情和时代的选择,也是共产党人在多民族国家进行社会主义建设探索战略选择。对于多民族社会而言,民族关系和谐保障除制度选择的正确性外,没有科学的发展过程也难以实现,因此,在推进各民族和民族地区建设和发展中还应切实落实科学发展观,及时有效地解决相关问题,推进民族关系和谐发展。  相似文献   

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Australia's large regional cities and towns display wide variation in how they are adjusting to the socio‐economic transitions occurring in Australia. That variation is exposed using a multi‐variate model analysing performance on a range of socio‐economic variables over the decade 1986 to 1996 for 122 cities and towns with populations of 10 000 and above at the 1996 census. Those places are classified into seven clusters of community performance reflecting opportunity/vulnerability, and their spatial patterns are mapped. The resulting framework is then used to show how the recent geography of the socio‐economic performance of the large regional cities and towns has a distinctive selectivity and contributes to opportunity in some places and the vulnerable performance of others. The influence of that selectivity can be seen in the mismatched geographic patterns evident from an analysis of shares of national population and employment change, investment in non‐residential construction, levels of welfare dependency, and the ratio between household income tax generation and transfer benefits received. The paper uses the insights drawn from that analysis to pose questions suggesting the need to rethink national policy perspectives for addressing change in non‐metropolitan Australia.  相似文献   

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Past studies of southwest Guizhou during the Qing dynasty tend to focus on the policy of “abolishment of the native chieftainships and extension of direct bureaucratic control” (gaitu guiliu) pursued under the Yongzheng emperor, and also to emphasize the correlation between state expansion and Miao revolts as a political process of institution building. Based on personal memoirs and ethnographic accounts of the Qing dynasty, this study focuses on the Qing incorporation of Miao territory (Miaojiang) in southeast Guizhou, where there were not even native chieftainships but only unorganized, or “raw,” Miao indigenes; it also examines the incorporation as an interactive process of cultural understanding and construction among the Yongzheng emperor, Governor-General Ortai, a group of local officials, represented by Zhang Guangsi and Fang Xian, and local Miao people, who had already interacted with Han migrants and started to seek the protection of the central government. The paper calls attention to the contribution of lower level Qing officials made in the decision-making process, the formation of knowledge by the Chinese about the long-ignored Miao territory, and the significance of mutual understanding of cultures. It argues that the tragic confrontation between the Miao people and the Qing state building was not necessarily inevitable, but contingent on the officials’ perception of the minority people’s culture and the handling of the relationship between the state and local indigenes.  相似文献   

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东周列国都城形态的演化经历了东西两条道路:东方国家都城在战国时期普遍发展成为“两城制”,体现了“朝、市并重”的格局;秦国都城则保持了“非城郭制”的特点,其大部分面积分布着宫殿区,朝寝有压倒庙、市的趋势。两汉都城形态是秦国“非城郭制”道路的延续和发展。  相似文献   

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The French and Dutch ‘no’ votes in referendums on the European Union Constitutional Treaty have thrown the EU into turmoil. The messages from both referendums are that public dissatisfaction with European integration is widespread and there is a disjuncture between the views of citizens and those of elites. The original purpose of the process that produced the Constitutional Treaty was to bring the EU closer to its citizens. However, the text that was negotiated was an unwieldy document intended to satisfy diverse requirements but difficult to explain concisely. After the completion of negotiations some governments, for reasons of political expediency, took decisions to hold referendums on the treaty, but the future of The Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe that took three years to complete is now uncertain. Furthermore, member states are divided about whether to press ahead with ratification after the two recent ‘no’ votes. What is the range of alternatives to member states if they wish to salvage the treaty or component parts? Finding a way through this current situation is the task the British government faces as it takes on the EU presidency from 1 July 2005.  相似文献   

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