A kingdom without a capital? Itineration and spaces of royal power in Castile,c.1252–1350

In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Castilian kings were constantly in motion, travelling through their kingdom, an activity which has traditionally been linked with the absence of a single capital in Castile. This paper re-examines the role played by royal itineration in this period and the reasons which inhibited the consolidation of an undisputed capital in the kingdom. In doing so, the changing importance and functions of the main cities of the realm, Toledo, Seville, Burgos and Valladolid – the spaces of royal power – will also be discussed. The main factor which precluded the rise of a single capital was the kingdom's specific territorial configuration, not bureaucratic under-development. The Reconquista led to the creation of a ‘composite kingdom’, in which kingship was exercised differently in some regions compared to others.     

Notes and News

SUMMARY: The 17th century saw the kingdom of Sweden become one of the great powers in Europe. This was also a period when Swedish kings strengthened their power and created an efficient, centralized state administration. Coats of arms were used in this context as expressions of authority and power and as signs of loyalty. This article presents stove tiles bearing the royal coat of arms of Sweden from Turku in Finland (then part of the Swedish kingdom), and analyses their dating, on the basis of heraldry and stylistic analysis. The meaning of the stove tiles and their possible makers and owners are explored by using archaeological and written sources.     

Minting in Vandal North Africa: coins of the Vandal period in the Coin Cabinet of Vienna's Kunsthistorisches Museum

This paper offers a re‐examination of some problems regarding the coinage of Vandal North Africa. The coinage of this barbarian successor state is one of the first non‐imperial coinages in the Mediterranean world of the fifth and sixth centuries. Based on the fine collection in the Coin Cabinet of Vienna's Kunsthistorisches Museum, this article questions the chronology of the various issues and monetary relations between the denominations under the Vandal kings, especially after the reign of Gunthamund (484–96). The Vandals needed and created a solid financial system. In terms of political, administrative and economic structures they tried to integrate their realm into the changing world of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages.     

A Royal Isaianic Servant of YHWH?

In this article I argue that the Isaianic Servant of YHWH is a non-royal figure. The main arguments are as follows. The form of Isa 42,1-4, the motifs of 42,1 and the projected role of the servant in relation to justice do not support the idea that the servant is a royal figure. Likewise, in Isa 61,1-3, the portrait drawn is that of a prophetic figure with a speaking ministry. The servant of Isaiah 40-55 and the Davidic ruler of Isaiah 9, 11 and 16 cannot be equated, for the servant’s proclamatory role precedes the founding of God’s kingdom, whereas the role of the Davidic ruler is as enforcer of justice within the consummated kingdom. The focus in Isaiah 40-66 is on God as the King who liberates his people and redeems Zion and this leaves to the servant the prophetic roles of speaking and suffering as agent of the Divine King.     

The Clanking of Medieval Chains: Extra-Judicial Banishment in the British Empire

Banishment in English law was circumscribed by the Magna Carta and habeas corpus and prohibited except by legal procedure. The Transportation Act of 1718 legalised exile and enshrined convictism in law. The case of Bancoult (No.2), 2008, which considered the banishment of the Ilois of Chagos Island in the 1960s, brought consideration of banishment into the twentieth century and opened the royal prerogative to modern scrutiny. What becomes clear from this case is that banishment relied on royal prerogative without resort to legal process and was surprisingly routine throughout the British Empire. This article considers the implications of this case and some of the wider history of banishment in the empire.     

Royal inauguration and liturgical culture in the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, 1099–1187

ABSTRACT

While modern scholars have often assumed that the models of liturgical kingship which prevailed in Latin Christendom during the Early Middle Ages became less prominent in the Central Middle Ages, more recent work has suggested that royal dynasties including those of France and England maintained practices of liturgical kingship between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries. This article contributes to this recent wave of historiography by examining the image of monarchy which was adopted in the kingdom of Jerusalem between 1099 and 1187. It takes as its focus the inauguration ceremonies and associated royal rituals performed by the monarch during this period, considering aspects of each ceremony, including the various constituent rituals, the place or places in which the rituals were held, the prelates who presided, the identity of other individuals who were recorded as having taken part, and the dates upon which the ceremonies were held. It is suggested that the royal dynasty of Jerusalem was attuned to the liturgical potential of inauguration ceremonies, and that it adopted rituals which were aimed at fostering consensus among the political community of the kingdom. The monarchy created an image of liturgical kingship which combined Western practices with elements that were unique to Jerusalem.     

Exercise of royal power in early medieval Europe: the case of Otto the Great 936–73

Current scholarly orthodoxy holds that the German kingdom under the Ottonians ( c. 919–1024) did not possess an administration, much less an administrative system that relied heavily upon the 'written word'. It is the contention of this essay that the exercise of royal power under Otto the Great (936–73) relied intrinsically on a substantial royal administrative system that made very considerable use of documents, particularly for the storage of crucial information about royal resources. The focus of this study is on Otto I's use of this written information to exercise royal power in the context of confiscating and requisitioning property from both laymen and ecclesiastical institutions.     

Divide and rule? The military infrastructure of eighth‐ and ninth‐century Mercia

Military might is widely recognized as having been a key element in the Mercian kings’ ability to forge and maintain a large kingdom in midland England in and after the seventh century. The paper argues that its basis was a network of fortified places – all major royal settlements that were given substantial defences in the eighth and early ninth centuries – and a systemic mechanism for manning them. The archaeological evidence of these defences at Hereford, Tamworth and Winchcombe is reviewed; the probable locations of other such early fortified places in midland England are considered; and the significance of this burghal system for our understanding of ‘the supremacy of the Mercian kings’ is weighed.     

Diplomatic and the Cid revisited: the seals and mandates of Alfonso VII

The royal chancery of the kingdom of León- Castile appears to have adopted the use of the seal towards the middle of the twelfth century. Examination of the surviving impressions from the reign of Alfonso VII (1126-57) suggests that he had at his disposal not one seal but two. They were sometimes used for the authentication of the solemn diplomas by which lands or privileges were granted; it is suggested that they were used also for sealing the short administrative orders called mandates. Documents of this latter sort, which have not hitherto been studied, appear to derive from the mandates used by Aragonese rulers of the early twelfth century, and they in their turn from the Capetian mandement and the Anglo-Norman writ. The use of sealed mandates in Alfonso VII's chancery is a further example of the play of foreign influences upon the kingdom of León-Castile at this period and may be of more than fugitive interest to historians of literature who are concerned to date the composition of Spain's most famous medieval epic, the Poema de Mio Cid.     

The Peace of God,the ‘weakness’ of Robert the Pious and the struggle for the German throne, 1023–5

The author of The Deeds of the Bishops of Cambrai accused Bishops Berold of Soissons and Warin of Beauvais of overstepping the boundaries of episcopal authority and usurping royal rights by promoting the Peace of God and attributed their initiative to the weakness of King Robert the Pious. This paper argues that the author was misrepresenting the situation to hide the vulnerability of the bishop of Cambrai during the succession of Conrad II. Instead, Berold and Warin's peace council was patronized by Robert the Pious and was a symptom of French royal assertiveness in the period 1023–5. The reasons for the Cambrai author's distortions are to be found in the significance of kings in the rallying of support on a local and regional level.     

A Method for Documenting Hidden Structures on Shipwrecks: the case of Vasa and Warwick

As part of the programme for documenting and studying Vasa, a Swedish royal ship of 1628, raised from Stockholm harbour in 1961, the author was given the opportunity to develop and implement a method of documenting the hidden structure—the frames—of this three‐decker. The method proved transferable to work under water as tested on the wreck of the Warwick, a ship lost in Castle Harbour, Bermuda in 1619. This article describes the method.     

The Carolingian response to the revolt of Boso, 879–887

The decade leading up to the disintegration of the Carolingian Empire in 887–8 is traditionally characterised by historians as a period when royal authority was in terminal decline, crippled by the deaths of three great rulers in the mid-870s and by the attempt of the non-Carolingian rebel Boso of Vienne to seize a throne in 879. This article challenges the conventional view, and argues that Boso's revolt actually inspired the four surviving Carolingian kings to enter into a period of successful and effective cooperation. They came to a sworn agreement which sealed a new mutually guaranteed succession plan and resolved several outstanding territorial disputes. The end of the empire was brought about neither by internal conflict nor by loss of faith in the royal house, but rather by the premature deaths of a series of heirless rulers and the failure of the last emperor Charles the Fat to organize his succession in 887.     

Hosting the king: hospitality and the royal iter in tenth-century England

Traditional studies of royal itinerancy have depended on locating the king’s progress through his kingdom(s) as precisely as possible and it should therefore not surprise that the iter regis in pre-conquest England has received relatively little attention, since Anglo-Saxon diplomas only rarely record their date and place of issue, making the establishment of the royal itinerary all but impossible. However, more recent studies, particularly by German scholars, have moved away from the earlier attention to the concrete details of the royal iter and focus more on the effects of itinerancy as a method of rulership, viewing itinerancy as a central part of royal ritual. This study argues that if we investigate itinerancy in tenth-century England from this standpoint, we can throw new light onto the subject. Contemporary sources reveal that in England as in France and Germany the iter regis was of great importance, with symbolic acts of feasting and gift-giving accompanying royal visits. The attention given to these ritualised acts in contemporary sources suggests, moreover, that Anglo-Saxon kingship possessed an important ‘charismatic’ quality, which deserves further investigation.     

The Capetian apanages and the nature of the French kingdom

The Capetian apanages have traditionally been studied from the perspective of the developing national monarchy. This approach is anachronistic; its premises are drawn from a later century, and even within the Capetian period it groups together with little differentiation the attitudes and intentions of five generations of kings.The context for the early Capetian apanages is the successional customs of the nobility, which the kings knew well from having seen them practised by their baronial neighbors. The determining concepts behind these measures were not those of the crown and the royal domain, but rather the societal ones by which, through the succession, the individual members of the family were ordered in relation to the family's lands.Only in the last quarter of the thirteenth and the first quarter of the fourteenth centuries did the kings and the Parlement impose the series of rulings which molded Capetian practice into a distinctively royal pattern. For most of the period under consideration, the territorial kingdom was treated as an aggregate of separable holdings, most of which were the private inheritance of the ruling family.     

Becoming Inca: Juan Bustamente Carlos Inca and the Roots of the Great Rebellion

Inca nobles were prominent colonial petitioners for royal mercedes. Their high visibility and persistent claims to a special place in the colonial order, based on their descent from sovereign Inca emperors and past service to the Crown, ensured that the question of political alternatives to normative colonial arrangements would remain alive in the public domain. This article explores the career of one Inca pretendiente, Juan de Bustamante Carlos Inca, the Crown's response to his petitioning, and the significance of his own quest for a better understanding of the ambitions and motives of José Gabriel Túpac Amaru on the eve of the 1780 rebellion. Politically, Bustamante's attempt to win succession to the Marquesado de Oropesa and its entail brought into public view a 1555 cédula of Charles V empowering the then leading Inca noble, Alonso Tito Atauchi—and all his successors—to raise an army on the king's behalf during any crisis within the Viceroyalty of Peru. Bustamante's quest thereby compelled the Crown to confront the potential for political destabilization of Inca succession at the precise moment that the Bourbon dynasty embarked upon an unpopular root-and-branch reform of its empire. The 1555 cédula was the prime source of Túpac Amaru's claim to be rightful heir to the Marquesado—in effect, the version of an Inkarrí that he adopted stemmed in the first instance from the Crown.     

仁宗张皇后与明初政治

在探讨明初政治时,往往对仁宗张皇后的作用注意不够。其实,无论在仁宣时期和正统初年皇位更迭中,还是这一时期委政内阁、休养生息政策的制定和实施,张皇后都起了十分重要的作用。此外,在抑制宦官势力,约束外戚等方面,她也功不可没。张皇后确实是彪炳史册的女政治家。     

The Capetian apanages and the nature of the French kingdom

The Capetian apanages have traditionally been studied from the perspective of the developing national monarchy. This approach is anachronistic; its premises are drawn from a later century, and even within the Capetian period it groups together with little differentiation the attitudes and intentions of five generations of kings.The context for the early Capetian apanages is the successional customs of the nobility, which the kings knew well from having seen them practised by their baronial neighbors. The determining concepts behind these measures were not those of the crown and the royal domain, but rather the societal ones by which, through the succession, the individual members of the family were ordered in relation to the family's lands.Only in the last quarter of the thirteenth and the first quarter of the fourteenth centuries did the kings and the Parlement impose the series of rulings which molded Capetian practice into a distinctively royal pattern. For most of the period under consideration, the territorial kingdom was treated as an aggregate of separable holdings, most of which were the private inheritance of the ruling family.     

‘Grace for the rebels’: the role of the royal pardon in the Peasants' Revolt of 1381

This article focuses on the Peasants' Revolt of 1381 as a means of examining some of the late medieval assumptions about the nature of royal mercy. Rather than adding to the weight of scholarship on the causes and characteristics of the Revolt, this article discusses the views on mercy (‘grace for the rebels’)1 1?The parliament rolls of medieval England [hereafter PROME], ed. C. Given-Wilson et al. (CD-ROM. Scholarly Digital Editions, Leicester, 2005), ‘Richard II: parliament of 1381, text and translation’, item 30. I would like to thank the audience of the Oxford Medieval History Seminar for their advice on an early version of this paper, and Mark Ormrod for his helpful comments on this essay in draft form. that were reportedly expressed by all parties during the course of the rebellion. The first section analyses the chronicles and their references to discussion of pardon and mercy during the revolt itself. The second section examines the role of the royal pardon in the subsequent judicial proceedings in the Home Counties — who were the first recipients of pardon, and how were they able to secure royal grace? The final section then discusses the formulation of the pardon in the autumn parliament, and the debate surrounding the course of government policy in the wake of revolt on an unprecedented scale. This article seeks to demonstrate that the Crown and commons shared a common language of pardon, and understood that by framing their discussion in terms of royal grace, they were alluding to a particular kind of idealised relationship between the king and his subjects.