伊拉克哈希姆王朝的建立与英国的委任统治

占领美索不达米亚、控制波斯湾本来是英国一个多世纪的追求,但第一次世界大战结束后,英帝国由占领者变为受任国,这并非英国人的初衷和意愿。战时英国在巴士拉的军事管理搬用印度经验;委任统治的第一步则是创建伊拉克政权,扶持汉志哈希姆家族的费萨尔王子管理伊拉克。在伊拉克的委任统治中引进英国式宪政,但并没有触动美索不达米亚和摩苏尔地区的社会基础,甚至保护和强化了当地的部落制。英国较早地允许伊拉克国家独立,但一直从军事和财政方面控制着伊拉克。伊拉克革命彻底赶走了英帝国主义,但英国在伊拉克委任统治的影响并未在短期内消除,相反,给伊拉克后来的发展埋下了隐患。     

论英国与直系的关系

英国对中国的内战持中立态度,不支持包括直系在内的任何一方;在直系参战期间,英国扣留了直系的军火;英国虽然同情吴佩孚,但未向吴提供军火和经济援助;为维护英国在华权益,英国损害直系的权威;英国对包括吴佩孚在内的军阀采取的策略是“等着瞧”。不将“赌注”押在任何一派军阀身上;英国也不支持直系的另一将领孙传芳。因此,英国不是直系的后台。     

The Connolly Association,the Catholic Church,and anti-communism in Britain and Ireland during the early Cold War

ABSTRACT

During the Cold War era, the Connolly Association, an Irish republican socialist political organisation in Britain close to the Communist Party of Great Britain, was seen by British Communists as a potential means of winning recruits amongst Britain’s growing post-war Irish community. This view was shared by the Catholic Church, which, amidst the broader ideological atmosphere of the Cold War, placed an increased emphasis on anti-communism in the early post-war years. This article will discuss clerical opposition to the Connolly Association in early Cold War Britain and Ireland, drawing chiefly on diocesan archives and Catholic periodicals.     

Getting Out of Belize: Britain’s Intractable Military Exit from Central America

With scant material interests at stake, and protection exacting a toll on military resources, Britain wanted out of Belize, its sole dependency in Central America. This desire became more pronounced by the 1970s as successive British governments sought to eliminate residual out-of-Europe political and military commitments. Exiting Belize, however, proved a three-decade challenge for Britain. Exploiting recently declassified British government documents, this article explains why leaving proved so intractable. The article explains how Guatemala’s territorial claim—and its threat to realise this claim by means of force—proved the main obstacle to Britain’s military exit. Repeated attempts in the 1970s towards a negotiated settlement with Guatemala failed. Instead the decade was marked by moments of acute tension. Unable to discount the possibility of a Guatemalan attack, Britain felt compelled to reinforce its military presence in the country at a time when it was trying to exit. Moreover, Britain had to offer continued protection as a necessary condition for Belize to proceed to independence in 1981. This post-independence defence guarantee was intended as a short-term measure, and Britain remained committed to ending its Belize commitment at the earliest opportunity. Yet British protection ended only in 1994. This article unpacks the political and military factors that best account for this protracted withdrawal.     

鸦片战争以前中文出版物对英国的介绍——介绍《大英国统志》

本文首先概述了鸦片战争以前中文出版物对英国介绍的概况,然后集中介绍罕为人知的<大英国统志>.<大英国统志>出版于1834年,全面地介绍了英国的情况,举凡自然环境、历史沿革、政治制度、军事制度、贸易、物产、文化设施、宗教、民情、风俗、殖民地情况,无不述及,堪称一部简明的英国历史,是鸦片战争以前介绍英国最为详细、最为准确的一部书.此书出版以后,不知何故,至今罕有人提及,其叙述方式也有特点,实有必要介绍给学术界.     

On Some Remains of the Work of William of Wykham,at Windsor Castle

Scholarly opinion on the character and timing of the end of Roman Britain remains deeply divided. The evidence presented by those favouring a ‘long chronology’ is seriously flawed. ‘Continuity’ or ‘survival’ of Roman Britain is claimed because early medieval activity is attested on some former Roman sites and some early medieval artefacts are of Roman type. But Roman Britain was part of a ‘world system’ with a distinctive and rich archaeological assemblage, and once terms are properly defined and material analysed quantitatively, the argument for fifth-century continuity collapses. The archaeological evidence shows that after a long process of decline beginning in the third century, Roman Britain had ended by c. A.D. 400.     

《安逊环球航海记》与英国人的中国观

18世纪中期,英国的“中国热”达到了高潮。中国文化受到了英国社会各阶层的极力赞誉和追捧。然而,1748年,英国海军上将安逊出版了他的环球行纪——《安逊环球航海记》。该著详细记述了安逊航至中国东南沿海时的所见所闻,对中国社会生活和科技文化进行了严厉的批判和否定,在英国社会中产生了很大的反响,致使一些人开始质疑此前英国社会流行的乌托邦式中国观的真实性,并最终成为“中国热”退却的导火索。     

论1939-1940年中国建立遏制日本的远东国际联合阵线的努力

1939-1940年,中国为寻求国际援助,对英美开展一系列外交,试图建立遏制日本侵略扩张的远东国际联合阵线.由于英国必须将主要力量对付德国的进攻,美国尚未完全摆脱孤立主义的束缚,中国的这些努力并没有取得直接成果.但是,中国通过这些努力,加强了与英美为首的西方国家的联系,使它们对中国将抗日战争进行到底的决心有了更清楚的认识,从而为中国取得大规模国际援助创造了必要条件.随着国际社会对中国援助的全面加强,远东地区针对日本的国际联合阵线逐步形成.     

Anti-Zionism in Britain, 1922–2002: Continuities and Discontinuities

Since 1902 Britain has been engaged with Zionism. This prolonged involvement offers a case study of diachronically shifting patterns of anti-Zionism and their relationship with patterns of anti-Jewish discourse in a specific national context. This article begins with an account of political anti-Zionism in the 1920s, a model for all subsequent anti-Zionism and a benchmark of virulence. It surveys political discourse concerning Zionism during the conflict between Britain and the Zionist movement in 1930–31 and 1945–48, while Britain held the Mandate for Palestine. It then examines left-wing anti-Zionism in Britain in the 1960s and 1980s. It concludes with an analysis of rhetorical attacks on Israel, mainly from the left, since the second Intifada, and in the wake of 9/11.     

国际机遇的利用与美国向太平洋的领土扩张——“路易斯安那购买”和“阿拉斯加购买”新探

18、19世纪之交英法争夺欧洲霸权和世界殖民霸权的斗争使拿破仑决定将法国的北美殖民地路易斯安那卖给美国,19世纪中期俄国在克里米亚战争中败于英法之手的窘境迫使亚历山大二世向美国兜售俄国的殖民地阿拉斯加。美国在上述英法争霸、克里米亚战争和波兰起义等时期,通过推行对欧洲列强的中立政策和实施灵活的外交策略,抓紧国际机遇,坐收渔翁之利,先后将这两块殖民地收入囊中,实现了将领土扩张到太平洋之滨的愿望。"路易斯安那购买"和"阿拉斯加购买"都是欧洲列强纷争和美国充分利用国际机遇的结果。推行适合本国国情和世界形势的中立的外交政策和充分利用国际机遇的策略,是美国崛起的一个重要原因。     

Preserving the Status Quo: Britain,the United States,and Bolivian Tin, 1946–56

This article analyses the relationship between Britain, the United States, and Bolivia in the context of the tin nexus after the Second World War. While the connection between Britain and Bolivia was long-standing - Bolivian tin had been shipped to Britain since the nineteenth century - it extended far beyond simple bilateralism. Such was the intricate web of connections in the global tin industry that any rupture in the Anglo-Bolivian relationship would have fundamental ramifications on the equilibrium of the industry, and, in turn, Britain's predominant position within it. The United States had overtly challenged Britain's dominance during the Second World War by constructing a smelter to be supplied by Bolivian ores. Despite the financial exigencies of the post-war period, the profound upheavals in the domestic Bolivian tin industry, and the contentious, destabilising tin-procurement policy pursued by the United States, Britain was determined to confront this threat. By actively seeking to preserve its long-term contract for Bolivian tin, Britain was able to maintain its predominance in the post-war global tin industry. At the same time, Bolivia deftly utilised Anglo-American rivalry to ensure more than one outlet for its most critical export commodity.     

Metropolitan Scurvy in the Shadow of the Cook Voyages

Recent scholarship on scurvy in 18th-century Britain has focused on the disease in the context of voyages of exploration, especially those bound for the Pacific Ocean. Using materials from quack physicians, print culture and popular song, this essay contends that the problem of scurvy was just as acute in metropolitan London and elsewhere in Britain. By studying representations of the disease and its markets at home in Britain, it aims to shed new light on the treatment and perception of the disease at sea, particularly during the voyages of James Cook (1768?79).     

REGIONAL EARNINGS INEQUALITY IN GREAT BRITAIN: EVIDENCE FROM QUANTILE REGRESSIONS*

ABSTRACT The increase in national earnings inequality in Great Britain over the last two decades has predominantly been a result of increasing earnings inequality within the regions of Great Britain, and not rising inequality between regions. However, there is a severe lack of empirical research exploring the evolution of earnings inequality within regions. This paper investigates the causes of rising within‐region inequality in Great Britain. It examines the changes that have taken place between 1976 and 1995, and regional quantile regressions are estimated to reveal those factors that have contributed to the rise in within‐region inequality.     

Imagined Country: National Environmental Ideologies in School Geography Textbooks

This essay considers the "imagined geographies" of Britain found in school geography textbooks in the postwar period. The first part of the essay considers the role that school geography plays in processes of social reproduction. It suggests that textbooks represent an important resource through which meanings are negotiated in the everyday lives of teachers and students. The second part of the essay discusses some of the specific "national environmental ideologies" found in geographies of Britain. The essay concludes with a discussion of the wider context in which geographies of Britain are taught in schools.     

Conducting Locarno Diplomacy: Britain and the Austro-German Customs Union Crisis, 1931

It has frequently been asserted that following its signing ofthe Treaty of Locarno in 1925 Britain withdrew from Europeanaffairs to concentrate on imperial and domestic concerns. Thisarticle, building upon an argument developed in an earlier volumeof Twentieth Century British History (Vol. 6. (1995), 1–22),seeks to demonstrate, using the example of British policy andthe customs union crisis, that rather than cutting Britain awayfrom European affairs, Locarno had the opposite effect. By signingLocarno, Britain had undertaken commitments it had no desireto honour, i. e. siding with either France or Germany in a renewedEuropean war. The continuing reconciliation between France andGermany was essential to ensure that peace would prevail inEurope and thereby secure a fundamental objective of Britishforeign policy. British policy regarding the customs union crisisprovides an example of how important Britain believed its roleto be in harmonizing Franco-German relations and maintainingthe Locarno system.     

英国对待袁世凯称帝的态度

帝制运动开始后,英国认为现阶段不能实行帝制,英国不会支持,帝制问题可推迟到欧战结束后进行。帝制运动进入快速发展阶段后,英国实施两面政策:一方面响应日本号召,联合对袁世凯政府进行劝告,另一方面准备从速承认帝制。袁世凯宣布帝制后,英国经历了从要求立即承认帝制到观望到赞成取消帝制的态度变化过程。英国在袁世凯和护国军之间保持中立。袁世凯取消帝制后,英国对帝制取消后的乱象持不干涉态度。     

英俄私分帕米尔与清政府的立场

本文以19世纪末的中亚为背景,运用新近刊布的国内外档案、文书等第一手资料,详尽论述了清末英俄以强凌弱,私分帕米尔,瓜分中国领土的经过,并对清政府为捍卫国土主权,与英俄据理力争的严正立场予以新的阐释,以深入理解该时期英俄争夺中亚势力范围的真实目的和清政府的领土主权意识,对稳定新疆局势,维护祖统一有一定的现实意义。     

The appropriation of the Phoenicians in British imperial ideology

The Phoenicians played ambivalent roles in Western historical imagination. One such role was as a valued predecessor and prototype for the industrial and maritime enterprise of nineteenth‐century imperial Britain. Explicit parallels were drawn in historical representations and more popular culture. It was widely believed that the Phoenicians had been present in Britain, especially in Cornwall, despite a lack of convincing historical evidence, and much importance was placed on supposed archaeological evidence. Ideological tensions arose from the need to reconcile ancient and modern Britain, and from the Semitic origin of the Phoenicians. This example shows the power of archaeological objects to provide material support for national and imperial constructions of the past.