马歇尔计划与美元霸权的确立

二战结束之际诞生的布雷顿森林体系虽为美元霸权提供了国际制度的平台,但美元霸权地位的真正起步却缘于冷战开始之际的马歇尔计划。通过援助西欧重建,美元实际上在布雷顿森林体系发挥作用之前已全面介入了西欧的经济,并由此起步演变成为战后世界的霸权货币。     

参与构建战后国际货币金融秩序:中国与布雷顿森林会议

1944年7月1日至22日,包括中国在内的44国代表,在美国新罕布什尔州布雷顿森林小镇上举行了联合国家货币与金融会议(United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference),即著名的布雷顿森林会议(Bretton Woods Conference)。是时中国抗战正面战场局势十分严峻,内政和外交也颇多困难,但国民政府仍派代表参加布雷顿森林会议,为战后国际货币金融秩序的构建作出有益贡献的同时,确立了中国在国际货币基金和世界银行中的地位。中国围绕布雷顿森林会议开展的各项外交活动,也有助于缓和当时中美两国间的矛盾冲突,巩固与美国为代表的主要盟国的关系。     

试论第二次世界大战后国际秩序的建立与发展

联合国和布雷顿森林体系主导了第二次世界大战后国际秩序的形成和发展。在 2 1世纪 ,联合国、国际货币基金组织、世界银行和世界贸易组织等最为重要的全球性的国际政治经济组织 ,应该通过不断地自我改革与完善 ,在建立国际新秩序方面发挥重要作用     

布雷顿森林体系的兴衰

1944年7月22日,44个反法西斯联合国家代表聚会美国新罕布什尔州的布雷顿森林,通过并签署关于建立国际货币基金组织和复兴与开发银行两项协定,确立了战后资本主义世界货币关系体系,史称布雷顿森林协定。其中,建立国际货币基金组织对国际货币关系的影响尤为直接。1971年8月15日,美国总统尼克松抛出“新经济政策”,停止美元兑换黄金。尔后,基金组织执行董事会和10国集团代表经过谈判,达成史密斯协议。至此,该体系陷于崩溃。1978年我国恢复在国际货币基金组织和世界银行的创始会员国地位,我国国际金融领域的学者们始加强对其运营机制和规则的研     

建议提高我国黄金储备

1971年,布雷顿森林体系崩溃,黄金迈上了非货币化道路,其价值尺度和流通手段职能丧失。尽管黄金在制度层面被取消了流通货币地位,但在实际经济生活中,黄金一直在执行货币的储备功能。特别是随着世界经济发展失衡的加剧,黄金的国际储备功能再次引起各国关注。     

大萧条时期的美国金融改革及其影响

20世纪30年代,为了应对大萧条,实现经济复苏,美国先后进行了两次金融改革,即胡佛金融改革和罗斯福金融改革。前者是后者的先导,后者是在前者基础上的发展与创新。罗斯福把胡佛金融改革中的权宜之计发展为长远规划,绘就了美国金融发展的蓝图。通过大萧条时期的金融改革,美国政府稳定了货币、建立了安全的金融体系、维护了金融秩序、实现了国家依照宪法对金融进行监管的原则,使美国金融业走上了有序、可持续发展的道路,为战后发展奠定了坚实的基础,同时,也为战后世界留下了宝贵的经验教训。     

二战期间美国筹建战后世界多边自由贸易体系的历程

第二次世界大战期间,美国在谋求建立战后世界“广泛而持久的”集体普遍安全政治体系的同时,亦致力于构建战后世界金融有序合作、贸易自由开放的全球经济体系。这项全球战略的经济目标,最初体现于1941年8月14日颁布的《大西洋宪章》,正式实施于1944年7月1—22日召开的布雷顿森林会议。     

7月

<正>11944年7月44个二战同盟国的730名代表在美国召开布雷顿森林会议,决定在战后建立起以美元为中心的国际货币体系。1973年,在经济危机和石油危机的压力下,布雷顿森林体系解体。21644年7月英国资产阶级革命期间,国会与国王的军队在马斯顿荒原进行决战。克伦威尔率领国会军队大获全胜,以此树立了威信。从此,他的部队以"铁骑军"闻名天下。31904年7月刘静庵、宋教仁等人在武昌成立清末革命团体科学补习所,宋教仁任文书。补习所以补习文化、研究科学为名义,实行光复汉族、"革命排满"的宗旨。     

美元的崛起与欧美经济民族主义博弈

第一次世界大战打破了19世纪中叶形成的以金本位为基础、以英镑为中心的国际货币体系,战后英镑被迫与美元和法郎分享国际货币的主导地位。而1929—1933年的世界经济大萧条,则为美元初步崛起成为国际主导性货币提供了历史性机遇。在此期间,经济民族主义支配了欧美国家处理国际金融、贸易和政治问题的政策,由此增加了国际经济合作的困难,恶化了国际政治局势。本文①阐述了大萧条期间美元初步崛起成为国际主导性货币的历程,分析了美元脱颖而出的原因,讨论了欧美国家经济民族主义的复杂表现。     

从"货币战"到"有限合作"——1933-1936年美英法三国货币外交

20世纪30年代经济大萧条背景下,美英法三国的货币政策特别是汇率政策取决于各国如何权衡国内经济恢复和国际汇率稳定.1931年英镑贬值、1933年美元贬值都是美英当局把货币贬值作为刺激总需求和出口的主要手段.金本位制的崩溃和英镑、美元的相继贬值使国际金融和贸易体系处于分割和对立的状态.美国对国内经济恢复的重视、英国对自治领的义务、法国对金本位的固执导致1933年三方货币合作会谈的失败.不过,随着英美两国经济的恢复,特别是希特勒德国加紧重新武装所造成的欧洲紧张局势促使美国决策层积极推动美英法三方货币合作.从货币集团分割和竞争性贬值的"货币战"发展到1936年9月后三国在汇率政策上的"有限合作",这种关系转变不仅是美国决策层"思想进展"的结果,而且是特定国际形势的产物.因此,1936年的美英法<三方货币稳定协议>具有深刻的政治含义.     

Preserving the Status Quo: Britain,the United States,and Bolivian Tin, 1946–56

This article analyses the relationship between Britain, the United States, and Bolivia in the context of the tin nexus after the Second World War. While the connection between Britain and Bolivia was long-standing - Bolivian tin had been shipped to Britain since the nineteenth century - it extended far beyond simple bilateralism. Such was the intricate web of connections in the global tin industry that any rupture in the Anglo-Bolivian relationship would have fundamental ramifications on the equilibrium of the industry, and, in turn, Britain's predominant position within it. The United States had overtly challenged Britain's dominance during the Second World War by constructing a smelter to be supplied by Bolivian ores. Despite the financial exigencies of the post-war period, the profound upheavals in the domestic Bolivian tin industry, and the contentious, destabilising tin-procurement policy pursued by the United States, Britain was determined to confront this threat. By actively seeking to preserve its long-term contract for Bolivian tin, Britain was able to maintain its predominance in the post-war global tin industry. At the same time, Bolivia deftly utilised Anglo-American rivalry to ensure more than one outlet for its most critical export commodity.     

Parliament and the Press: Forging the United Nations in Wartime Britain, 1939–45

During the Second World War, not only the United States but also Great Britain played a leading role in planning and establishing the United Nations (UN) as a new international organisation to replace the League of Nations. While scholarship on post-war planning is extensive, relatively little exists on how the planning process was discussed and depicted publicly in Britain. The purpose of this article is to fill such lacunae by examining the two most important domains for public discussion at the time, the press and parliament. It will argue, first, that the League of Nations’ experience – its inability to use collective force and its optimistically democratic structure – overwhelmingly shaped public discourse in reference to the UN. By referring to the past, the press and politicians alike in Britain were content to relinquish interwar ideas such as equal rights and equal representation for all nations. Second, apart from the lessons of history, the less democratic structure of the new world organisation was justified from the perspective of great power politics. The desire to make the grand alliance between Britain, the United States of America, and the USSR functional despite all mutual suspicions, directed the view of the UN, and typically overrode all other concerns relating to post-war planning. Finally, throughout the wartime planning of the UN, public opinion, in so far as press and parliament were concerned, held fast to the idea that the British empire was not to be touched by the UN. In public, the establishment of the UN was hardly considered as a starting point for decolonisation. Instead, the UN was designed to become the post-war embodiment of the grand alliance, a vehicle through which the victory over the Axis powers would be managed at the global level: such management did not envision the need to let empire go. Viewed this way, it also becomes clear that nationalism and internationalism were not mutually exclusive or binary visions, but coexisted and shifted in importance throughout the period examined.     

Chinese Refugee Children and Empires: The Politics of International Adoptions in Cold War Hong Kong

With the support of new sources from British and Hong Kong archives, this study casts new light on the post-war international adoptions of Chinese refugee children in the British colony of Hong Kong. It argues that while children were ‘saved’ and found families overseas, they were also used as pawns in a bigger political game. A way to delegate welfare for the Hong Kong government, a symbolic humanitarian concession vis-à-vis a strict anti-immigration policy for Britain, and an anti-communist propaganda tool for the United States, these adoptions also convey the competing power and population politics played over subject children by two multiracial empires: one in decline (the rapidly decolonising Britain), the other on the rise (the new cold war superpower).     

Understanding the British Empire

In the immediate post-war period and during the early cold war, Britain regularly defended Switzerland's interests against the two emerging superpowers: the Soviet Union and especially the United States. This advocacy was not, however, altruistically motivated. In light of their experiences during the Second World War, British policy-makers could still see the benefits of a neutral Switzerland. But more importantly, the relatively wealthy Swiss were willing to pay for British support and a neutral Switzerland implied other financial, political, and strategic advantages. When there were no such advantages, London abstained from defending Berne. In the case of the negotiations leading to Switzerland's informal participation in the Western strategic embargo against the Eastern Bloc, Whitehall did not stand up to defend Swiss neutrality against US might. Yet this article demonstrates that even if the British had been willing to help the Swiss in their dealings with the Americans, they would have lacked the power to prevent Washington from imposing its will. Britain's power continued to decline after the war, and advocacy for Switzerland could only be successful if the Swiss position was acceptable to the United States.     

Filling the Void?: Anglo-American Strategic Relations,Philippine Independence,and the Containment of Japan, 1932–1937

The declaration in 1932 of the United States to allow Philippine independence in March 1934 was an act that had a number of unintended consequences for the stability of the Far Eastern balance of power system. Given the state of tension existing in the international system between the major actors in the region: Japan, China, the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States, any movement in the existing boundaries of the international spheres of influence between them could generate a significant destabilizing reaction. The American proposal to allow Philippine independence was such an act. If America surrendered its position and interests in the Philippines, who would replace it? What would happen if it was not replaced? Was it realistic, given the nature of the international competition for resources and strategic position, all linked to the creation and use of maritime power, that the Philippines could exist ‘on its own..’. This essay will analyse how the United States and Great Britain dealt with this instability, as well as how those interactions allowed a closer and more harmonious Anglo-American informal strategic relationship to be developed. That relationship would thereafter evolve into a collaborative alliance aimed at deterring further Japanese expansion.     

1797-1800年美国与法国准战争探析

18世纪晚期,美国为维护海上权益与地缘安全,加剧了与英法之间的矛盾。美国在《杰伊条约》中对英国的让步,换取到美英之间十年的和睦,却导致美法关系紧张,美国与法国从同盟走向准战争状态。最终美法危机得以和平解决,但这场准战争深深影响了美国早期的内政和外交。     

杜勒斯与美国的琉球政策(1950-1951)

如何处理琉球群岛,是美国战后对日和约中需要解决的主要问题之一。1950年4月,杜勒斯被杜鲁门总统任命为国务卿顾问,负责对日和约问题。当时,美国政府内部特别是军方和国务院之间对此存在争论和分歧。杜勒斯因应美国遏制共产主义发展的亚洲政策主要目标,与美国政府内部各方、美国各盟国、苏联、日本等折冲博弈,基本上界定了琉球政策的框架。为满足各方需求,杜勒斯创造了“剩余主权”这一全新概念,通过《旧金山和约》确保了在联合国托管的名义下,美国对北纬29度以南的琉球群岛进行排他性战略控制。同时,杜勒斯主导了《美日安保条约》《美澳新安全条约》《美菲共同防御条约》的形成,初步构建了美国在亚太地区以琉球群岛军事基地为核心的防卫体系。     

'When the shooting starts': Atlanticism in British security strategy

The evolution in the international system from bipolarity to unipolarity has led to shifting patterns of alliances in world politics. Since 9/11, the United States has demonstrated a willingness to use its overwhelming military power to deal with potential or real threats. Contrary to its policy of embedded power in the economic and security institutions of the post‐1945 period, the United States increasingly views the multilateral order as an unreasonable restraint on the exercise of hegemonic power. What does this new context mean for Britain? Going back to 1997, the first New Labour government added an internationalist dimension to the traditional roles of acting as a loyal ally to the United States and serving as a bridge across the transatlantic divide. The Iraq war of 2003 showed that the bridge could not bear the weight of the disagreement between ‘Old Europe’ and the new conservatives in Washington. The Prime Minister's decision to be there ‘when the shooting starts’ shows that Britain continues to place the bilateral connection with the United States above all other obligations. This article questions whether the Atlanticist identity that underpins the strategic rationale for the special relationship is likely to succeed in delivering the interests and goals set out in the recent UK security strategy document.     

In the National Interest: Dominions' Support for Britain and the Commonwealth after the Second World War

Was British confidence that the Commonwealth could bolster its international status and extend its global reach after the Second World War a product of self-delusion or nostalgia? This paper examines three crucial aspects of relations between Britain and Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa in the 1940s – diplomacy, economics and defence – to show the extensive and tangible support that the ‘old dominions’ extended to Britain. They opted to back Britain because it served their individual national interests well. British hopes that the post-war Commonwealth would be an effective association were founded on ample evidence, although the British desire to lead and dominate was confounded by the fact that Ottawa, Canberra, Wellington and Pretoria were national centres in their own right.     

The Connolly Association,the Catholic Church,and anti-communism in Britain and Ireland during the early Cold War

ABSTRACT

During the Cold War era, the Connolly Association, an Irish republican socialist political organisation in Britain close to the Communist Party of Great Britain, was seen by British Communists as a potential means of winning recruits amongst Britain’s growing post-war Irish community. This view was shared by the Catholic Church, which, amidst the broader ideological atmosphere of the Cold War, placed an increased emphasis on anti-communism in the early post-war years. This article will discuss clerical opposition to the Connolly Association in early Cold War Britain and Ireland, drawing chiefly on diocesan archives and Catholic periodicals.