抗战时期的两次宪政运动

在烽火连天的抗日战争时期,在中华民族生死存亡的危急时刻,广大进步势力和社会团体为实现全民族的全面抗战,争取人民必需的抗日民主权利,以实行民主政治、实现宪政为核心内容,在抗战中期和后期掀起了两次声势浩大、波澜壮阔的民主宪政运动,书写下中国现代资产阶级民主运动史上流光溢彩、五色斑斓的一页。     

胡适论"持久战"——以胡适1937年9月的两篇演讲为中心

在翻阅民国报刊时,发现胡适一则佚文《中国抗战的前途》,该文是1937年9月26日胡适在美国旧金山作的一篇演讲.9月29日,胡适又作了《中国能赢吗?》的英文演讲.胡适的这两篇演讲对"持久战"进行了系统的阐述,认为中国的抗战是持久战,最后的胜利是属于中国的.胡适的"持久战"论是全面抗战以来对"持久战"比较早且比较客观的论述,分析有理有据,见解独到深刻,是对当时国内、国际"亡国论"和"速胜论"的有力批判,对争取爱国华侨、美国政府和人民对中国抗战的支持具有重要作用,对胡适研究和中国抗战研究均有重要的参考价值.     

抗战胜利后蒋介石对宪政的态度

随着抗战进入尾声,蒋介石对宪政的态度由消极变为积极,而战后的新形势和日益临近的宪政对其政治策略产生了重大影响。政协会议上,蒋对中共和中间势力做出重大让步。政协决议对国民党宪政设计的更改,在国民党内激起轩然大波,蒋发觉事态发展已出乎自己预料之外。国民党六届二中全会上,蒋对宪政的态度暗中转变。在蒋的默许下,国民党虽未公开撕毁政协决议,但政协决议事实上已不能为国民党所执行。会后,蒋介石受党内强硬势力影响,对宪政的态度从温和的积极一变而为强硬的积极。中共态度也随之强硬,最终国共两党在宪政问题上分道扬镳。     

"东北亚历史与东北文化学术研讨会"综述

2007年7月25日至—27日,由辽宁省历史学会、东北地区中日关系史研究会主办、大连大学承办的“东北亚历史与东北文化学术研讨会”在大连举行,来自辽宁、吉林、黑龙江、内蒙古三省一区的专家学者及来自人民出版社、《世界历史》编辑部等单位的特邀代表共百余人参加了研讨会,大会收到论文56篇。与会学者围绕“辽海文化与东北地方史”、“东北抗战与全国抗战”、“中日关系的回顾与展望”等三个方面的议题,展开了热烈而富有成果的讨论。会议除对辽海文化与东北地方史进行了讨论外,还集中讨论了以下问题。     

蒋介石与抗战胜利前夕国民党的行宪决策

抗战后期,国共关系与政治改革问题同是政局的关键环节。"行宪"与"剿共"在蒋介石的政治考量中居于同等重要的地位。蒋在酝酿"剿共"的同时,也在积极布置行宪事宜。从言论和实际动作来看,蒋对宪政的态度在抗战收尾阶段发生了重大转变,由消极变为积极,行宪问题在国民党六大上正式形成党内决策。蒋的行宪决策,是在宪政运动的推动、中共的政治竞争、权力合法化追求以及美国对华政策等因素的影响下推出的。行宪决策的推出,成为抗战后时局演变的关键因素。针对宪政这一问题,错综复杂的政治纠葛随后展开。     

孙科与"五五宪草"

20世纪30年代,在中国社会逐渐形成了一股反对国民党党治,要求结束"训政",尽早实现宪政的潮流。在这场运动中,孙科从一个党治的拥护者,转变为宪政的积极鼓吹者,成为宪政运动中最为活跃的代表人物。     

抗战时期鲜为人知的中日"伪钞战"

半个多世纪前的那场大规模的中日战争,是两国在政治、军事和经济上的全面较量.为了配合日军的侵华军事行动,实施对中国抗战经济的破坏,日本当局对中国发动了一场大规模的以假钞为重要手段的货币战,给中国的国民经济和抗战造成很大的危害.中国方面也被迫进行了反击.……     

抗日战争时期宪政运动若干问题的再研究

抗日战争时期的宪政运动,是中国现代史上争取政治民主化的重要组成部分,学术界曾推出过许多研究成果。不过,某些与宪政运动直接相关的问题,似乎或缺乏足够重视,或有待进一步探讨。本文对1939年与1943年前后两次宪政运动的实际发起因素、不同的争取重点、获得的有形成果三个方面进行了重新分析。在此基础上对目前宪政运动研究提出个人认识:第一,最早在国民参政会上提出实施宪政的提案,并非迄今认为的发起第一次宪政运动的七提案,只是由于七提案合并讨论,方形成共同发起宪政运动的既成事实。第二,第一次宪政运动的成果,虽然包括宪政思想宣传与宪政观念普及,但唯一的有形成果则是体现西方议会模式的“期成宪草”。第三,第二次宪政运动虽与联合政府运动有承继关系,但它不仅独立存在,而且也取得了三项成果,需要给予承认并加以客观评价。这三个问题关系到抗日战争时期宪政运动的完整性,因此也是今后这一研究中需要重视与补充的。     

作为"过程"的历史:清末民初宪政侨务的立法与实践

论文从立法与实践互动过程的视角对清末民初的华侨宪政参与问题进行了回溯和研究,并总结个中华侨宪政参与的思想和侨务工作的现实借鉴。在清末民初宪政侨务的推进中,华侨作为特殊贡献群体,在体现公民权利与义务关系的宪政参与问题上逐渐由清末参议权推进到民初代议权阶段。自民初福建临时省议会率先赋予闽侨代议权至次年3月第一届国会参议院华侨参议员选举结束,海外侨社掀起持续大半年的选举潮,在选举潮实践与立法"互动过程"的展开中,宪政侨务立法逐渐趋向于完善;个中探索亦为后世落实华侨代议权提供了多元方案选择的经验借鉴和教训启示。     

试析国民党的《抗战建国纲领》

《抗战建国纲领》是国民党在抗战初期发布的一个全面的政治纲领,是当时国民党内政外交方针的集中体现。在一个时期内,它曾经发生过一定的影响和作用。本文就国民党《抗战建国纲领》的内容实质及其政治影响作一探讨和分析。一1938年3月,在全民抗战的高潮中,在中国共产党和各民主党派的督促下,国民党临时全国代表大会讨论了党务问题和施政方针,通过了《中国国民党抗战建国纲领》。国民党《抗战建国纲领》的内容包括总则、外交、     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.