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1.
李晓社 《攀登》2006,25(3):92-96
忧患意识是指人们在使命感和责任感的驱使下,以理性的、富有远见的眼光和戒惧沉毅的心情对待社会和人生的一种精神状态。传统忧患意识的产生是“士”人自我觉醒的结果,忧国忧民的社会责任感是其形成的内在动力,古代哲学辩证观是其产生的思维基础。从思想内涵上来看,忧患意识是一种清醒的危机意识,是一种深切的责任意识,是一种昂扬的奋进意识,是一种理性的超前意识,是一种赤诚的爱国情怀。  相似文献   

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Cet article a pour but de contribuer à la littérature en émergence portant sur la santé des Autochtones en milieu urbain, en comparant l’état de santé et les déterminants de la santé de la population autochtone et non‐autochtone en milieu urbain au Canada. L’étude s’appuie sur des données tirées de l’Enquête auprès des peuples autochtones (EPA) de 2001 et de l’Enquête sur la santé dans les communautés canadiennes (ESCC), cycle 1.1. Préconisant une approche axée sur la santé de la population, nous explorons les différences de l’état de santé et des déterminants de la santé entre les populations autochtones et non‐autochtones en milieu urbain. Trois variables sont utilisées pour décrire l’état de santé : l’auto‐évaluation de l’état de santé, les maladies chroniques et la limitation d’activités. Si l’existence de disparités en matière de santé entre la population autochtone et non‐autochtone en milieu urbain est démontrée, celles‐ci ne sont pas aussi importantes que les disparités qui caractérisent la population non‐autochtone et autochtone vivant dans une réserve. Les déterminants sociaux de la santé sont comparables pour les deux populations, mais les résultats illustrent à quel point des facteurs culturels peuvent également intervenir en faveur ou au détriment de la santé parmi la population autochtone en milieu urbain. Cette étude exploratoire fait ressortir la nécessité de tenir compte des facteurs culturels propres aux déterminants de la santé dans les recherches ultérieures afin d’identifier des pistes d’explication des disparités en matière de santé entre les individus autochtones et non‐autochtones en milieu urbain.  相似文献   

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李子文 《史学集刊》2001,(4):29-34,39
《大同书》是迄今为止一部最完整详细描绘人类社会走向大同社会的过程,包括国家、阶级、家庭的消亡.展示了大同社会的存在方式,诸如生产和消费方式、人们的物质和精神生活方式、价值观念、社会关系等。康有为的大同思想,不仅集成了人类思想最优秀的成果,而且具有许多独创性,是人类思想史上最伟大的成果之一。  相似文献   

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丁文江对政治有着强烈的兴趣。他一生议政、参政可以分为三个阶段:第一阶段是留学时期,这一时期他喜欢阅读《新民丛报》,与康有为、吴稚晖等人有过来往。第二阶段是在五四时期到1926年底,这时期他与梁启超、胡适等人关系密切,在《努力周报》发表了大量文字,出任淞沪商埠督办公署总办,表现了积极参政的倾向。第三阶段是在1930年代,丁文江在《独立评论》上发表了大量时评政论和旅行游记,充分表达了自己的政治思想。丁文江虽有政治热情,且具行政才干,但却缺乏意识形态和政党的背景,这实际限制了他在政治上的作为。  相似文献   

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Abstract

This study argues that since the end of World War II, the Taiwanese Presbyterian Church’s practical institutionalised arrangements for evangelisation have had the unintended consequence of creating an imagined multi-layered aboriginal national Subject. The argument is founded upon analysis of three main points. First, aboriginal members’ daily practices within the three-level federalist church polity formed in their minds an acquired “schema”, a ready-made cognitive structure that could be easily appropriated by them to imagine their own nations in a certain way. Second, when the Church promoted the translation of the Bible and hymns into aboriginal vernaculars for practical evangelising reasons, it unintentionally created tribe-based cultural-linguistic mediums as national languages upon which the contents of aboriginal nations could be elaborated and reproduced. This step further consolidated tribe-based ethnic categorisation and facilitated the reification of aboriginal nations. Third, since aboriginal ministers and elders were institutionally endowed with many strengths in comparison to other aboriginal elites, they came to serve as human activators in formulating and spreading the imagination of the multi-layered aboriginal national Subject.  相似文献   

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汪菁华 《安徽史学》2005,1(6):93-96
国家主权意识构成了陈独秀前期国家思想的理论起点.由此,陈独秀阐明了有关现代国家理论,对中国封建专制制度及其黑暗现实进行批判,并积极探索了在中国实现宪政制度的具体途径,表现出鲜明的时代特色,代表了历史发展的方向.  相似文献   

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沈寂 《安徽史学》2006,(1):78-81
刘铭传在台湾视番民为朝廷赤子;实施新政,提倡以商立国;兴铁路、挖煤矿均取得卓著成绩;首创近代邮政竟早于大陆.因知识局限,终仍袭乃师"官总其纲".  相似文献   

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赵岩 《攀登》2006,25(1):22-24
党在思想文化战线上的执政能力和执政水平,是党的执政能力建设的重要组成部分。在当今世界经济全球化、政治多极化、文化多元化的新形势下,提高思想文化战线上党的执政能力和执政水平,对于坚定人们的共产主义理想和中国特色社会主义信念具有极其重要的意义。  相似文献   

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<每周评论>对推动五四时期舆论界的进步起了极为重要的作用.作为新文化运动重要领导人物的高一涵,在<每周评论>上发表了许多文章,其政治思想表现为反对日本帝国主义的侵略,抨击军阀的黑暗统治,追求理想的民主政治,导引着进步舆论的前进.研究<每周评论>时期高一涵的政治思想,对于深化五四时期思想的研究,恢复高一涵的历史地位,有着重大的学术意义.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT. Outside parliament, the story of Afrikaner nationalism is largely a story of political (and sometimes economic) activists establishing language and cultural organisations. In a preliminary attempt to systematise the intentions and achievements of these extra‐parliamentary components of the Afrikaner movement, this article critiques and refines Joep Leerssen's model of nationalism as ‘the cultivation of culture’ (Nations and Nationalism 12, 4: 559–78). Drawing on the examples of the Genootskap van Regte Afrikaanders and the Afrikaner‐Broederbond, I revisit the relationship between cultural and political nationalism – both as concepts and as actual movements – and question the notion of a dichotomy.  相似文献   

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在漫长的古代中国,行政思想尽管历代有差异,但尊君、重民、治吏的思想是一以贯之的,这三构成了传统行政思想的基本特征,也成为传统行政思想的基点。其中,尊君是前提,是统领全局的行政原则,重民是尊君原则的补充,也是行政管理的指导思想,治吏则是贯彻执行尊君重民行政原则的关键。三相辅相成、互相联系,对数千年中国行政体制的形成、发展、成熟,对人事制度的日趋完善以及政治家的行政行为影响殊深。  相似文献   

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The Rainbow Serpent: a chromatic piece. By I. Buchler and K. Maddock (eds). The Hague — Paris, Mouton, 1978. x + 227 pp.  相似文献   

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During his years as a member of the Frankfurt School, Erich Fromm developed a strong interest in the idea that there were distinctive male and female character orientations. Drawing on the positive evaluation of matriarchy made in the nineteenth century by the Swiss anthropologist J. J. Bachofen, Fromm argued that a “matricentric” psychic structure was more conducive to socialism than the patricentric structure which had predominated in capitalism. His interest in maternalism and his opposition to patriarchy played an important part in his rejection of Freud's theory of drives and in the development of a humanistic ethics in which love plays a central part. The idea of a gendered humanism is central to Fromm's social thought, although there is a danger that the over‐emphasis of sex‐based character differences unintentionally re‐opens the danger of the kind of sexual stereotyping which he resolutely opposed.  相似文献   

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The characterisation of the Australian polity as a strikingly ‘secular’ polity is in certain respects misleading. Australian political debate continues to be marked by a religious element. For example, the language of Aboriginal ‘reconciliation’ had several distinctly Christian resonances and ambiguities, including the difficult relation of justice and forgiveness. This paper considers the Aboriginal reconciliation process in the light of three different ideas of secularism: secularism as a doctrine of the two ends of humanity; secularisation as disenchantment or rationalisation; and secularisation as the transposition of theology into a mundane or earthly idiom.  相似文献   

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