“保民官”误译初探

翻阅近年来国内出版的部分有关古罗马历史的书籍或文章,就“保民官”一职,人们往往能得出这样的结论：古罗马历史上曾经有三种“保民官”,即保民官（或平民保民官）、军事保民官以及具有执政官权力的军事保民官。上述三种“保民官”自然给人这样的印象：在古罗马,不光平民有自己的“保民官”,士兵也有,而且士兵的“保民官”都具有了执政官的权力。[第一段]     

试析罗马早期平民的身份地位

古罗马早期平民的身份地位问题长期以来存在着许多争论和误解。由于罗马平民的主体是外来的,因此平民与罗马人民同他们定居和劳动的土地的关系本质不同。平民在政治、法律、婚姻、宗教生活等方面受到的种种歧视表明,罗马平民起初是从属于城邦的无公民权的自由人。     

古罗马等级制度中的显贵

早在19世纪,德国古典学大师蒙森就发现,在古罗马社会的政治生活中存在着一个特权等级——显贵(mbilis,或nobilitas),他们控制着执政官、元老院等权力机构,大权在握,地位显赫。20世纪初,另一位德国学格尔泽的研究表明,绝大多数罗马显贵都出身于执政官家族,     

罗马共和国为何始终是贵族专政

所谓“共和政体”,系指国家代表机关和国家元首由选举产生的一种政治制度。由于早期罗马是实行这种政体的国家,故叫罗马共和国。按照传统的说法,罗马共和国建立于公元前509年,在这一年,贵族领导人民废除了“王政”,从此,每年由森都利亚大会选出两名执政官治理国家。执政官必须由贵族中选出,由于任期短,权力有限,两人又彼此牵制,实际上并非国家的最高统治者。真正的决策     

罗马划分财产等级的起源及其原则意义

对公民及其财产实行普查,划分财产等级,确定相应的权利和义务,这是罗马城市国家一项重要的组织制度。这一制度随着罗马城市国家的产生而产生,在共和时代获得进一步的发展,后来由于城邦制度逐渐瓦解才趋于衰落。在罗马城市国家存在的历史时期,公民按财产分为等级同贵族、平民的等级区分交织在一起,显示了罗马公民集体或称公民公社等级制度的特点,构成了公民集体组织结构的基础,在社会生活中起着重要作用。限于篇幅,本文专门论述罗马划分财产等级的起源,探讨其原则意义。     

古罗马政治捐赠述评

政治捐赠是罗马的一项古老传统。自王政时代起,捐赠就是政治人物争取民众支持的重要手段。然而,不同的历史时期,罗马的政治捐赠具有不同的内容。公元前八世纪至公元前一世纪,罗马的政治捐赠的规模较小,民众是主要的受捐对象,捐赠的内容主要是金钱。公元前一世纪至公元27年,随着个人独裁的出现,政治捐赠日益频繁,捐赠的方式日趋多样化,除平民外,军队也开始成为主要的受捐对象。政治捐赠成为政治人物拉选票、获得军队支持的有效手段,为罗马由共和向帝制转变提供了条件。     

罗马平民问题的由来及研究概况

罗马平民问题研究是古罗马史研究中的一个重要问题。在国外,自19世纪以来,学者们对此问题的探讨,主要围绕着罗马平民的起源、平民与贵族的本质区别及等级冲突的实质等问题展开。国内学者在20世纪80年代也对这个问题做了一些有益的探讨,但仍有许多问题未获解决。弄清罗马平民问题,对于深入研究阶级、文明和国家起源等问题具有十分重要的意义。     

从古希腊的专政与民主谈起

"专政"一词起源于公元前五世纪建立的罗马共和国,本意是个人独裁。罗马共和国遇有外敌入侵或重大危急事件时,最高执政官或保民官就被赋予绝对的权力,成为独裁者,称作狄克推多(拉丁文dictahure)。这个独裁者有权调动和指挥军队,中止法律,宣布临时法令。按照宪法的规定,这种专政不得超过6个月。由于执政官是由百人团会议推选的,权限由宪法规定,而且要接受元老院的节制,所以,这种专政是处在民主     

罗马平民起源问题初探

在罗马早期史研究中，平民(Plebs)的起源问题是一个难点。自19世纪以来，西方学术界一直存在着各种不同的意见和争论。围绕“罗马平民最初是否属于罗马共同体的成员”这个问题，一些学认为，罗马平民主要来自王政时代被征服地区的移民，对于以“罗马人民”     

从王政到共和——兼论罗马城市国家的形成过程

在早期罗马历史上,从王政到共和牵涉到一系列错综复杂而又争论不休的问题。本文试图论述王政到共和的历史发展变化,并在此基础上探讨罗马城市国家的形成过程,求教于史学界的前辈和同行。     

Regional planning in Brandenburg: Putting traditional approaches to the test

The State of Brandenburg represents one of five states that together make up what was the German Democratic Republic. It is now only 6 years ago when its people demanded and accomplished the abolishion of an entire state that was based on a very extensive system of government planning and control. Since unification in 1990, far‐reaching attempts have been made gradually to transform East German society in all its segments and dimensions with the objective to ‘Westernize’ its structure and functioning. With respect to Brandenburg, this process of adaptation has only recently also extended into the field of regional planning. During the first half of 1994, the establishment of regional planning authorities in all parts of the state was completed. These authorities have been charged with the task of formulating regional development plans as a means of securing and improving the living conditions of their inhabitants.     

公安部队组建初期组织体系和领导体制的历史考察(1949—1952年)

公安部队是武警部队的前身,是中国人民解放军的一个组成部分。中华人民共和国成立后,为了在全国范围内迅速建立革命秩序,巩固新生政权,在中央军委和公安部的领导下,逐步把地域性的公安武装和中国人民解放军担负公安任务的部队正式改编成“中国人民公安部队”。在军委公安司令部成立后,公安部队又进行了整编,组建了“中国人民解放军公安部队”和地方公安部队,逐渐接替全国内卫任务。随着边防公安组织和边防武装的建立,全国公安部队初步形成了正规公安部队、地方公安部队和边防公安武装的体制。为统一对国家内卫、边防斗争的领导,加强公安部队的建设,1952年,中共中央、中央军委决定将内卫、边防和地方公安武装统一整编为“中国人民解放军公安部队”,全部纳入中国人民解放军的建制序列。内卫、边防工作和公安部队的建设进入了一个新的阶段。     

State and cult in six hundred years of irrigation activities in an arid area of China: a case study of the Dragon King Temples in the Hexi Corridor

The Hexi Corridor is an important region of irrigated agriculture in an arid area of China. Prior to 1949, a large number of Dragon King Temples played a key role in irrigation activities in the Hexi Corridor. Since the Ming and Qing dynasties, these temples have undergone a three-stage process of evolution. They gradually evolved from sites of sacrifice and prayers for rain to become the sole embodiment of the regional hydraulic order. Beginning in the late nineteenth century, the symbolic role of the Dragon King Temples declined, and they degenerated into crucial spaces for violent contests over control of water resources in times of hydraulic crises. Finally, Dragon King Temples faded from the sociopolitical scene after the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The unique natural environment of the Hexi Corridor reduced local people’s awe of the Dragon King, yet the social environment compelled them to identify with the state. In the Ming and Qing dynasties, the state maintained its presence in local irrigation activities by introducing and promoting the cult of the Dragon King and the building of temples, which were revered as symbols of state power. With the decline of the state in modern times, local society’s worship of the Dragon King also dwindled. After the Communist regime began to exert all-around control of irrigation, Dragon King Temples were quickly replaced by the government at the grassroots level, and the cult finally disappeared as modern state power expanded.     

罗马共和国后期行省治理的弊端与规范

行省治理是罗马共和国后期政治生活的一个重要内容,直接关乎共和政治的运作与国家的命运。然而,在行省治理过程中,作为实际治理者的罗马官员滥用权力,通过多种途径大肆搜刮钱财,成为行省治理中的首要弊病。为遏制这种弊病,规范行省治理,罗马当局围绕着官员搜刮钱财现象,不断加强法律建设,呈现出立法条款细致化、诉讼程序固定化以及惩处严厉化的倾向。但是,行省治理制度中总督权力缺乏制衡,荣誉任职的传统观念以及税收体系的混乱等因素为罗马官员滥用权力、非法敛财提供了条件,而相关法律实践过程面临着距离、语言、时间与经济成本等实际障碍,且法庭充斥着腐败与偏见,导致治理局面未因法律建设的加强而得以有效改善。行省治理的失当从行省与共和国政治两个层面加速了共和政治的失序,推动了内战的爆发,进而加速了罗马共和国的衰亡。     

新中国史学的初建:郭沫若与中国马克思主义史学主导地位的确立

郭沫若对新中国成立后中国马克思主义史学主导地位的确立及走向与发展具有重要影响。他在1949年后任中国新史学研究会筹备会和中国史学会主席,提出史学发展六个方面的转向,规划了中国史学的发展前景。他创办并主持的《历史研究》杂志提倡历史研究应史料与理论并重。郭沫若礼待陈寅恪,邀请其出任《历史研究》杂志编委和中国科学院社会科学学部委员。郭沫若重启中国古史分期问题的讨论,引发了研究一系列重要历史理论问题的热潮。在郭沫若和其他马克思主义史学家的努力下,新中国史学初步形成了发展规模。     

试析陈云关于利用国际市场的思想

新中国成立后,陈云在利用国际市场方面进行了积极的探索。建国初期,他主要是探索国际物资市场的规律,并逐步形成了外汇与物资平衡的思想;20世纪70年代,他提出要研究和利用资本主义,并将注意力从国际物资市场转向国际金融市场;改革开放后,他在继续提倡利用资本主义市场的同时。强调利用外资要保持清醒的头脑,要将引进工作与国内工作平衡好。陈云的这些关于利用国际市场的思想,成为各个时期中国共产党处理国内经济与对外经济关系的重要指导思想。     

南京国民政府时期的地籍测量及评估——兼论民国各项调查资料中的“土地数字”

地籍测量是南京国民政府时期土地行政的一项重要措施,然而由于各种主客观原因,这项措施只在部分地方施行,成果有限,长期以来没有得到学界的重视。本文从制度层面对南京国民政府时期的地籍测量进行初步梳理,考察其在全国的总体完成情况,并以江苏省句容县为个案,对其绘制的地籍图进行分析。在此基础上,以杭市县、平湖县的地籍测量数据对民国时期各项土地调查数字进行再评估。     

Performing refugeeness in the Czech Republic: gendered depoliticisation through NGO assistance

The article examines the gender micropolitics of non-governmental assistance to refugees in the Czech Republic – a post-socialist society which is becoming a country of immigration. It critically examines relations of power between refugees and local non-governmental organisations (NGOs). These NGOs act as mediators between refugees and the state, media, wider public and academic production of knowledge. It is argued that despite the important roles they play in securing refugees' access to rights, their assistance is often perceived as problematic by refugees. The article analyses these relations in a wider context of the institutions of the refugee system where the state has increasing power in defining the conditions under which NGO assistance to refugees is provided. The study is based on qualitative research among recognised refugees from the former Soviet Union living in the Czech Republic and local NGOs assisting them with integration into society. I demonstrate how particular forms of assistance and public representation depoliticise refugees in a sense of fostering rather than challenging unequal power relations that lock refugees in a position of clients lacking political means of influencing their place in a receiving society. This is done by conceptualising ‘a refugee’ as a performative identity that is being produced and enacted in feminised NGO spaces. The analysis highlights refugees' critical reflections on their position in the relations of assistance.     

军事革命与欧洲在全球范围的崛起

由于异常激烈的生存竞争和有利于革新的思想文化背景,当世界其它地区军事上还在缓慢发展时,欧洲在14—17世纪发生了一系列军事革命,其军队在陆地和海上的作战能力得到了稳步提高。这使欧洲人在与世界其它地区的对抗中逐渐取得了越来越明显的军事优势。尽管欧洲的崛起是由政治、经济、军事、文化及社会等各个领域的许多复杂因素相互作用共同促成的,但在多数情况下军事优势是其征服过程中必不可少的条件。     

Interpreting foreign institutions. How the Italian academic culture dealt with the French Fifth Republic, 1958–1998

The interpretation by Italian scholars of the institutions of the French Fifth Republic was directly linked not only to the new French constitution and to the evolving practice of power in France, but also to the scholars' own judgement on the Italian constitution and on their changing perception of the role of the political parties within Italian republican institutions. Three main phases in the development of the interpretation of the Fifth Republic by Italian jurists and political scientists can be identified. During the first – extending from 1958 to the late 1970s – it was strongly criticized by most as anti-democratic. The second phase – from the late 1970s to the early 1990s – was marked by the end of anti-democratic suspicions; but only during the 1990s – the third phase – were the Fifth Republic's institutions proposed by some scholars as a model to be imported in to Italy.