新区域主义的发展及对中国区域经济发展模式的影响

在当今全球化与区域化趋势并存的时代,新区域主义以其强调区域竞争、保护地方经济社会多样性的主张,引起学术界的广泛兴趣。新区域主义源于20世纪80年代后期,这一期间国际社会经济环境的激烈变动,导致新旧区域主义在政治经济、国际贸易、经济系统、区域发展目标等方面存在根本的差别。在全球化和后冷战结构的制约下,新区域主义主要表现为大区域主义、小区域主义及国家内部的各类区域组织三种形式。论文针对中国现行的区域发展模式在新区域主义的冲击下,暴露出的薄弱环节,提出中国的区域经济发展战略应从三个层次展开。     

THE POLITICS OF DESPAIR AND THE CALLING OF HISTORY

What happens to history as a set of practices and intellectual protocols when the assumed subject of our historical narratives is not a product of the European Enlightenment? Such has been the question motivating much of Dipesh Chakrabarty's work for almost thirty years. This essay offers a largely chronological account of Chakrabarty's major works. It begins with his first book, published in 1989, which provided a culturalist account of working‐class history in Bengal. It then tracks his movement in the early 1990s toward a position positing radical disjuncture and even incommensurability between the worlds of Indian subalterns and Western moderns, and his subsequent attempts to soften and blur precisely this kind of disjuncture. Meditating on the problems posed by the experiences of subjects who did not live within the time of history led him to answer in the affirmative the question of whether there are experiences of the past that history could not capture. Soon thereafter, however, he drew back from the most extensive articulation of this claim, suggesting that the experiences of the non‐Enlightenment subject could function as a positive resource and not merely as the source of a profound and destabilizing critique. I argue here that this solution to the problem of incommensurability is not entirely satisfactory, for it relies implicitly on precisely the kinds of argumentative asymmetries of which his earlier analysis taught us to be wary. Chakrabarty himself, meanwhile, has continued to step further away from the radicalism of the early 1990s; his most recent book may be read as a defense of rationalist history in the face of contemporary threats posed by the rise of a politics of identity in India.     

新区域主义视角下长株潭城市群区域一体化过程与影响因素

在新区域主义理论视角下,借鉴城市引力模型、经济网络结构模型和比较集中系数的方法,对长株潭城市群区域一体化进行分析。结果表明：长株潭城市群区域一体化水平在不同的时代背景下存在显著差异,其变化过程呈现出“高-低-高”的“V”字型特征。可划分为三个阶段：第一个阶段是1980年到1990年区域一体化程度较高的阶段,后计划经济是其发展的时代背景;第二个阶段是1990年到2000年由计划经济向社会主义市场经济转轨,是区域一体化的低谷阶段;第三个阶段是在2000年之后,随着社会主义市场经济的确立,城市群进入区域一体化程度更高的阶段。长株潭城市群区域一体化影响因素逐步由政府力量为主转为市场力量为主,呈现出明显的新区域主义特征。     

ATTENTION AND THE PHENOMENOLOGICAL POLITICS OF LANDSCAPE

This article argues that the inherent directedness of attention is a central and pervasive condition of politics across a wide range of social fields. The subfield of landscape geography serves as an occasion to illustrate what can be gained by attending to attention. The argument begins by reflexively placing the problematic of attention within a brief genealogy of constructions of modern perception. Within this frame, the article takes a closer look at the ambivalent and hesitant response to the problem of attention in phenomenology. This field is best positioned to give a foundational account of the political character of attention and to explain the sense in which its relevance transcends the era in which it was first clearly formulated. However, a strong upsurge of phenomenological interest in attention has only appeared in recent years. A review of this work, particularly in the writings of Bernhard Waldenfels, shows how attending to attention can deepen critical analyses of capitalism and spectacle offered by Benjamin, Debord, Rancière and Beller. The final section of the article illustrates key points by staging an imaginary trip through the corporate agricultural landscapes of California.     

竞争性区域主义与区域建构研究展望

随着全球化的不断深入,竞争性区域主义开始盛行于全球各地,并掀起区域建构的热潮。本研究对西方学术界的竞争性区域主义和区域建构理论进行了系统综述,内容涉及社会建构的区域、空间规划在区域建构中的作用、区域建构的阶段和区域建构中利益相关者的冲突与博弈等方面。在此基础上,对我国城市竞争和空间规划等相关研究进行了综述,对我国竞争性区域主义与区域建构研究进行了展望。     

区域市场营销与区域经济学拓展理论

区域市场的存在是营销行为区域化的必然结果。环境本底差异加上劳动地域分工出现了区域产品,各种类型区域产品空间分布在不同的地域单元,由此带来商品的市场流通,这就要求针对不同区域特点,制定企业的营销策略。区域市场营销理论是对区域市场、市场缺口理论、区际贸易理论以及市场区位论的拓展。企业在不同区域的营销行为,受区际因素和区际关系的影响使营销策略、营销效果发生变化。本文通过深入研究,揭示这些现象存在的本质问题。     

THE TIME OF POLITICS,THE POLITICS OF TIME,AND POLITICIZED TIME: AN INTRODUCTION TO CHRONOPOLITICS

Time is so deeply interwoven with all aspects of politics that its centrality to the political is frequently overlooked. For one, politics has its own times and rhythms. Secondly, time can be an object and an instrument of politics. Thirdly, temporal attributes are used not only to differentiate basic political principles but also to legitimize or delegitimize politics. Finally, politics aims at realizing futures in the present or preventing them from materializing. Consequently, the relationship between politics and time encompasses a broad spectrum of phenomena and processes that cry out for historicization. In our introduction to this History and Theory theme issue on chronopolitics, we argue that the concept of chronopolitics makes it possible to do this and, in the process, to move the operation of rethinking historical temporalities from the periphery toward the center of historiographical attention as well as to engage in a dialogue with scholars from a wide range of disciplines. To this end, we propose a broad concept of chronopolitics by discussing existing definitions, by distinguishing between three central dimensions of chronopolitics (the time of politics, the politics of time, and politicized time), and by systematizing possible approaches to studying chronopolitics.     

区域竞争力的国际争论及启示

区域竞争力具有多维的地理层次,可以从国家到地方分为不同的区域层次。竞争力概念由来已久,国际上对区域竞争力存在多元化的认识。而且,自国际贸易学者克鲁格曼(Paul Krugman)于1994年质疑区域竞争力的概念以来,引发了关于区域竞争力概念是否有意义的系列讨论。据此,对区域竞争力的国际争论焦点进行述评,进而对区域竞争力重新定义。     

人民币国际化及其对币缘政治的影响

当今世界有两个货币现象引人注目,一个是欧元危机,另一个是人民币币缘政治影响的扩大。文章总结了扩大人民币币缘政治影响所取得的成效,探讨了进一步提升的路径。将人民币币缘政治影响的扩大总结为使用范围扩大、跨境贸易中结算额增加、与其他货币的互换额攀升、可直接交易国家增多、离岸清算中心数增加、国际地位提升、国际化指数提高7个方面;提出了进一步提升人民币币缘政治影响的6点建议：①促进经济持续稳定发展,增强我国的综合实力与国际竞争力,②积极开展国际贸易合作,③遵循周边→区域→全球的顺序有序推进,④以地缘优势共建“一带一路”倡议,⑤充分发挥香港、中国（上海）自贸区的作用,⑥借力亚投行的平台,优化国际金融格局。     

CORPORATE IDEOLOGY AND THE POLITICS OF ENTREPRENEURISM IN NEW ORLEANS

In this article, Louis F. Miron presents a case study of the effects of local ideology and culture on corporate-lead progrowth movements in New Orleans. Miron borrows from critical theory to illustrate how "hegemonic" ideologies such as economic growth may be resisted in local settings. The findings suggest that economic structural relations do not predetermine the course of human agency, and that the success of progrowth movements is contingent upon local cultural conditions and ethos. Through a document analysis of "fiscal reform," a pro-growth ideology advanced by corporate and political elites in New Orleans and throughout Louisiana, the author probes the connections among material conditions, ideology, and the politics of entrepreneurism.     

"SCENOPHOBIA", GEOGRAPHY AND THE AESTHETIC POLITICS OF LANDSCAPE

Recent critiques of the nature–culture dualism, influenced by diverse theoretical stances, have effectively destabilized the “naturalness” of nature and highlighted its pervasive and intricate sociality. Yet the practical, ethical and political effects of this theoretical turn are open to question. In particular, the emphasis on the sociality of nature has not led to reinvigorated environmental or landscape politics. Meanwhile, the need for such politics has if anything increased, as evident when ongoing and, arguably, accelerating landscape transformations are taken into account. These concerns are illustrated in the paper with an example from Iceland. In its uninhabited central highland, serious battles are now being fought over landscape values. Capital and state have joined forces in an investment‐driven scramble for hydropower and geothermal resources to facilitate heavy industry, irrevocably transforming landscapes in the process. Dissonant voices arguing for caution and conservation have been sidelined or silenced by the power(ful) alliance. The author argues for renewed attention to the aesthetic, including the visual, if responsible politics of landscape are to be achieved. Aesthetic appreciation is an important part of the everyday experiences of most people. Yet, enthusiastic as they have been in deconstructing conventional narratives of nature, geographers have been rather timid when it comes to analysing aesthetic values of landscape and their significance, let alone in suggesting progressive landscape politics. A political geography of landscape is needed which takes aesthetics seriously, and which acknowledges the merit of engagement and enchantment.