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A probit analysis of National Election Studies data finds that unlike earlier midterm elections, Republican mobilization significantly increased the vote for Republicans from Republicans in 1994, as Democratic mobilization did for and among Democrats in 1998. In these elections, mobilization asymmetrically increased perceptions of party differences, party preferences, and party loyalty in voting. In 2002, both Republican and Democratic mobilization efforts affected vote choice, significantly increasing support from independents. 相似文献
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AbstractThe authors explain how the newly created thematic portals can be used to facilitate digital research in Italian state archives. 相似文献
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Giacomo Becattini 《European Planning Studies》2002,10(4):483-493
The article begins by showing that the traditional concept of industrial sector has been radically criticized on both theoretical and empirical grounds. The reasons for the concept's inadequacy are raised, and they are identified as: (i) the fact that in a rapidly changing world empirical classifications must be changed; (ii) the fact that when scholars seek to classify reality they must take account of the classifications of that reality made by the actors concerned. Given the diverse importance for different productions of technology and social context, of tacit and codified knowledge, the article sets out some practical rules, exemplified by the Italian footwear industry, for empirical research. It then proposes to dynamize analysis of the Marshallian industrial district, first conceptually in its elementary processes, and then with a view to empirical study of the convergence of these processes on the district form and the reasons for reviving the district analysis originally formulated in the 1960s and 1970s. 相似文献
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《Journal of Conflict Archaeology》2013,8(1):42-64
AbstractThere has been a long history of interest in the material remains of conflict, but in the last two and a half decades archaeologists have made strides in the study of war and warfare. Techniques have been developed, refined, and borrowed to expose the material record of combat. Sites associated with other military undertakings have been discovered and the material culture of conflict has been documented. This growth has expanded an understanding of past conflicts and challenged previously held ideas about warfare. Although archaeologists do not currently have interpretive frameworks to link the diverse sites and objects that form the archaeological record of war, modern military planners have developed such models. This paper uses sites from the North American Great Plains to suggest that military models of conflict analysis can contribute to a synthetic archaeological interpretation of conflict. 相似文献
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浅析新石器时代生产工具中的“仪式用斧”问题——兼论生产工具功能的分化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
石铲和石钺在我国新石器时代之初是较为普遍的生产工具,后来随着社会经济的发展和原始宗教力量的增强,部分石铲和石钺逐渐从生产工具中分化出来,制作日益精美,有的器表还刻有纹饰,成为祭祀或是宗教活动中的仪式用品。本文以石铲和石钺为例对新石器时代生产工具中的仪式用斧现象略作探讨。 相似文献
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Alice Gorman 《Archaeologies》2016,12(1):110-128
This paper investigates whether the term ‘culture’ can be applied to the six Apollo lunar landing sites, and how the remains at these sites can be understood as the actions of bodies at a particular moment in space and time. 相似文献
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西夏文《择要常传同名杂字》是西夏时期流传于民间的一部常用佛经诵读童蒙性质的杂字类字书。借助该书正文第6页的内容,可以补全西夏字书《同义》缺失的篇目代表字。比对甘肃省瓜州县博物馆藏编号为00027的残片,证明了《择要常传同名杂字》至少曾在西夏时期的瓜州地区流传,这一现象应该与杂字字书在唐五代敦煌地区流行的传统一脉相承。 相似文献
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How did Kirchnerismo, initially a motley coalition of progressive Peronists and born-again Menemistas and Duhaldistas trying to scrape together some form of governability from the 2001 default, turn into one of the ‘pink tide’ governments most virulently hated by the Right? Why did long-forgotten concepts and terminologies from the epic past of revolutionary struggle suddenly resurface in the context of what, at least from the viewpoint of the autonomist Left, was hardly more than a mildly redistributive administration of scarcity, aided by the post-millennial commodity boom? In this intervention, historian Javier Trímboli urges us to take seriously some of the discursive anachronisms that flourished during Néstor and Cristina Kirchner’s periods in office (2003–2015), which, he suggests, rather than merely a form of discursive cover for clientelist politics, may have been symptomatic of the way in which some of the foundational fault-lines of modern Argentine society continue to shape political identities, styles and forms of struggle in the present. 相似文献