共查询到12条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
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曾磊 《中国边疆史地研究》2020,(1):107-116,215
通过对“祖家将”这一关宁军中较为重要的武将集团在关宁军中地位之演变可知,天启年间“祖家将”在关宁军中的地位较低。袁崇焕督师辽东期间,祖大寿因战功擢升为总兵,在大凌河之战后,祖大寿的地位得以稳固,随即发展个人势力。但应看到,“祖家将”在关宁军中始终没有占据绝对主导地位,明廷对关宁军控制较深。因此,“家军”、“将门”的方式,不能完全用来揭示关宁军的性质,不能将关宁军简单界定为独立于明廷的军阀武装。 相似文献
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Weiguo Sun 《Frontiers of History in China》2012,7(2):220
The Chosŏn dynasty founded by Yi Seong-gye was closely involved in the tributary system of the Ming dynasty. Chosŏn Korea called itself “Little China” due to the following two policies: mohwa (admiring China) and sadae (serving the greater). Chosŏn Korea traced its origin back to the dongyi (Eastern Barbarians) and claimed itself the only nation that had transformed itself from “Yi” (barbarian) to “Hwa” (Chinese) in the Chinese world system. References to the sage Kija (Jizi) in moral, historical, and political writings indicated the beginning of this transformation and thus the worship of Kija was consistently implemented. The ritual and cultural systems in Chosŏn Korea imitated those of China. The policy of admiring China, Confucian thought, and the worship of Confucius comprised a significant part of the “Little China” ideology. After the Ming-Qing transition, Chosŏn Korea did not acknowledge the legitimacy of the Qing dynasty and considered itself the only and true China. 相似文献
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明代朝廷沿袭元代的旧例,把妈祖林默娘封为“天妃”,列入祀典。然而对于“天妃”这一封号,在明代的士大夫知识分子中产生了较大的分歧。反对者认为不应胡乱把处女之身的妈祖指配给天帝为妻室;赞同者则认为所谓“天妃”只是广义上的“以德配天”的含义,并非实指配与天帝为妻室。较为圆融者则主张以“圣妃”“圣女”的封号为妥,免得亵渎神明。明末清初之际,“天妃”“天后”封号又有与“碧霞元君”封号混同者。产生这些差异的实质,是传统儒家祀典观念与现实政治社会的实际需求之间的差异所引发的。而这种差异,即使是在其他方面,制度设计与现实实施过程中所存在的某些差异,都是很难避免的。 相似文献
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《金史》记载的金朝开国史是信史。“都勃极烈”不是金建国后女真国主的称号,而是生女真进入高级酋邦阶段后大酋长的称号。阿骨打建国之初只求民族自立,并没有灭辽的宏图,宋人文献称阿骨打是接受了杨朴“图霸天下,谋为万乘之国”的建议,才称帝建国的说法,既不符合金建国前后女真人的政治生态,也不符合杨朴的身份,当是宋人的演绎。在金向辽请求册封过程中杨朴的事迹是真实的,《金史》对此并未隐匿。宋晁公迈《历代纪年》成书早于《太祖实录》,明确记载金初存在“收国”年号。《太祖实录》没有虚构和编造金朝建国时间、国号、年号,据此撰写的《金史》没有篡改开国史。 相似文献
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Chu Ming-Kin 《东方研究杂志》2018,66(1):33-70
A millennium ago in Northern Song (960–1127) China, Emperor Huizong initiated the “Eight Virtues of Conduct” in order to recruit morally upright officials. In place of the candidates’ skills in literary composition and understanding of the Confucian classics, this scheme adopted candidates’ moral virtues as their major criterion of selection. This paper analyzes how this scheme was implemented. It also shows that the rejection of certain genuinely virtuous nominees and the recruitment of some candidates who had exhibited objectionable conduct somehow compromised the emperor’s ideal. This analysis is followed by a discussion of the political and social implications of the scheme. Instead of perceiving this promotion channel as a means for Huizong and Chief Councilor Cai Jing to eliminate dissidents and install ideological conformity, the author argues that the scheme was an initiative of the emperor to counter the chief councilor’s dominance and alleviate factional conflicts. The final section examines the extent to which this scheme facilitated social mobility in the Song dynasty. 相似文献
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HUANG Daoxuan 《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2019,13(1):61-75
ABSTRACTDuring the Chinese War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and the Civil War, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) imposed restrictions on the marriage of its cadres, so as to maintain the Party’s effective control and combat cohesion. The Central Committee of the CCP did not issue uniform regulations on this topic; most decisions were made by the base areas, with the indirect support of the Central Committee. Marriage and love are personal matters, and the restrictions certainly caused emotional suffering for ordinary cadres affected. However, there were important reasons for the CCP’s implementation of these measures. Through punishment and guidance, these restrictions were carried out smoothly and did not cause great upheaval. As love and marriage became areas subject to the political power of the CCP, they unexpectedly became a focal point of the collision between individuality and Party spirit and between the individual and the group. 相似文献
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Mary Burke 《Irish Studies Review》2015,23(2):184-193
By the period of the Irish Home Rule crisis – in which Catholics and liberal Anglicans lobbied for limited self-government while northern Presbyterians campaigned to keep Ulster wholly within the Union between Ireland and Great Britain of 1800 – certain of those of pre-Famine northern Irish Protestant origins (the “Scots-” or “Scotch-Irish”) identified with the position of their Presbyterian brethren in Ulster. This identifiably Ulster Protestant engagement with the Home Rule debate is detectable (and generally overlooked) in the Scots-Irish Henry James story “The Modern Warning”. Moreover, equally discounted is the fact that James's story deploys the Irish literary convention of the marriage plot as metaphor for political union in order to grapple with a moment in which that alliance is – in the unionists' view – in danger. This article concludes that the political-union-as-marriage trope still sporadically returns at moments of political crisis in the British Isles, as occurred during the 2014 Scottish independence referendum debate. 相似文献
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John Christian Laursen 《European Legacy》2017,22(4):427-442
Writing The History of the Sevarambians in the 1670s, the Huguenot Denis Veiras borrowed many ideas from Garcilaso de la Vega, also known as El Inca, whose Royal Commentaries of the Incas was published in 1609. Both works describe the history of an empire and justify it on the ground that it brought peace and unity. While Garcilaso’s book purported to be a history, his selection of facts reflected his goal of improving the treatment of the Incas by the Spanish. Veiras’s story also claimed to be a history, but it was transparently a fiction, even to the point of lifting many elements from Garcilaso’s book. What both works equally emphasized was that empires could aim at, and could be justified by, the benefits they provided their subjects. Both tell stories of benevolent and paternalistic rulers who founded nearly ideal societies in the countries they conquered. These were models of empire for peace and unity rather than merely promoting toleration of differences or concord among differing parties. Veiras’s utopia thus offers an instructive case study of the effects of cross-cultural borrowings of literary and political ideas. 相似文献
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生与死是一个古老而又沉重的话题。要正确深刻地探讨这个问题,可能条件还不很具备。本人只是想借重前贤的智慧与奇思妙想,沿着他们思维的足迹,作进一步的思考与探索,就灵魂有无的问题,有无因果报应的问题,气与灵的问题,乃至宇宙本体的问题等,表述一些个人的体会与想法。 相似文献
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