美国对建立拉美无核区问题的立场与对策(1962—1968)

为了避免核武器、核军备竞赛再次在拉美出现,古巴导弹危机之后,一些拉美国家提出了建立拉美无核区的设想。对该提议,美国经过考察发现此举同样有助于满足其国家安全需求,这使得约翰逊政府原则同意支持按照美国标准建立。然而,由于美国政府不同部门之间对建立拉美无核区的细节问题存有分歧,使得美国虽然促成了拉美无核区条约的缔结,但它最终却没有签署该条约。     

冷战初期美国对拉美外交政策的转变

冷战初期,杜鲁门政府通过组建美洲政治军事集团、提供军事援助完成了战后美国对拉美政策的第一次转变,即由反法西斯的外部入侵向抵御共产主义的外部影响,同时奠定了冷战时期美国对拉美政策的基调——战略利益是防止共产主义在拉美扩大影响,经济利益是促进美国在拉美的自由贸易和投资。第一届艾森豪威尔政府的拉美政策基本遵循了这一原则。20世纪50年代中后期,美国的战略优势地位不断下降,第二届艾森豪威尔政府通过对拉美政策的两次调整实现了第二次转变:战略目光由重点关注冷战前线地区演变为前线和后方兼顾,开始更多地关注拉美等第三世界国家和地区的冷战形势;战略手法由强调军事援助,逐渐演变为突出经济援助和经济建设,以遏制共产主义在拉美的发展。     

劳尔·卡斯特罗

中国与古巴有着近50年的团结和友谊，古巴是拉美第一个与中国建交的国家，其领袖菲德尔·卡斯特罗是中国的老朋友。     

巴拿马总统,挑起“三国杀”

扣朝鲜货船,查古巴军火,放美国特工中美洲国家巴拿马,眼下成了国际舆论"暴风眼"。巴拿马当局最近扣了朝鲜货船"清川江"号,在船上查获古巴军火,又将先前扣押的一名遭意大利法院判决有罪的中情局前特工放回了美国。这些"亲美"举动,让该国总统马蒂内利在因"棱镜门"而反美情绪高涨的拉美领导人中显得有些与众不同。     

浅析经济危机下美国实行睦邻政策的原因

20世纪二三十年代,面对经济危机和德意日法西斯对拉美的经济渗透,美国在拉美的经济利益受到了严重挑战。因此,美国不得不调整拉美政策,出笼了睦邻政策,以缓解经济危机下美国经济的困境。     

“拉丁美洲华人华侨:当代的流动与新身份认同”学术研讨会在澳门举行

正2014年11月6—8日,由澳门大学和澳门亚太拉美交流促进会共同主办的"拉丁美洲华人华侨:当代的流动与新身份认同"国际学术研讨会在澳门大学举行。开幕式上,澳门大学人文学院院长马丁、澳门亚太拉美交流促进会理事长魏美昌和古巴哈瓦那大学教授伍月梅先后致辞。来自巴西、秘鲁、古巴、哥斯达黎加、墨西哥、中国内地与澳门的专家学者共计30余人参加了     

古巴宗教政策的变迁

2014年12月17日,一条消息轰动了全球:美国总统奥巴马和古巴国务委员会主席兼部长会议主席劳尔·卡斯特罗同时分别在华盛顿和哈瓦那发表讲话,宣布将全面恢复两国外交关系。这是1959年古巴革命胜利以来,美古双方"最为重大的"外交政策变化,美国对古巴实行了半个多世纪的封锁与禁运政策到此彻底终结。人们也许对古巴与美国关系走向正常化的"突然性"感到惊讶,但两国关系的改变并非突     

卡斯特罗与“美国医生”

自去年7月长斯特罗病倒后,美国对卡斯特罗的病出奇地“关心”——他的病会成为美国让古巴“变色”的重要契机?美国真能乘机重整拉美“后院”?在美国咄咄逼人的攻势面前,病榻上的卡斯特罗和古巴政府将如何应对?围绕卡斯特罗的病,美古之间到底还有多少解不开的玄机?     

尼加拉瓜总统奥尔特加 力推“耕者有其田”

尼加拉瓜总统奥尔特加今年62岁,是西方媒体眼中“天生的革命家”和“拉美仅次于卡斯特罗的反美斗士”。奥尔特加15岁就加入了尼反对党桑地诺民族解放阵线(桑解阵)。年轻时代的奥尔特加,曾数次因参加革命活动而被捕。20世纪70年代中期,他出狱后去了“拉美革命大后方”古巴,学习革命经验。在那里,他与古巴领导人卡斯特罗结缘,并深受社会主义思想的熏陶。     

1933—34年古巴民族民主革命运动的高涨

1898年美西战争后,美帝国主义占领了古巴,把它变为名义独立实际依附于美国的半殖民地。为了加紧控制古巴,美帝国主义一方面不断派遣军队恣意干涉古巴内政,镇压革命运动;一方面竭力扶持亲美政权,作为它奴役古巴人民的工具。1925年成立的以捷拉尔多·马查多总统为首的古巴政府便是依附美国垄断资本的反动独裁政权。这个政权推行亲美卖国政策,积极支持美国垄断资本控制古巴经济的掠夺活     

Clinton,Congress, and Cuba Policy Between Two Codifications: The Changing Executive-Legislative Relationship in Foreign Policy Making

We examine the changing dynamics of institutional control over U.S. policy toward Cuba that have played out during the time between two codifications of Cuba policy: The 1996 Helms-Burton legislation that codified the long-standing embargo policy as law, and the 2000 bill that wrote travel restrictions into law. The study of who makes U.S. foreign policy has long been characterized by a debate over the respective roles of the president and Congress in this area, but-in theory, at least-Helms-Burton should have put an end to the scholarly debate about who makes Cuba policy: With codification, Congress does. But the practice of making Cuba policy has been more complicated than it might have first appeared in March 1996. We track the politics of Cuba policy between these two codifications and try to understand what they mean for who makes Cuba policy now, and speculate about what these dynamics may more generally mean.     

Participation and Environmental Policy in Canada and the United States: Trends Over Time

This article explores trends in participation and environmental policy in Canada and the United States over three time periods: from the early 1970s to the mid-1980s; from the mid-1980s to the early 1990s; and, finally, over the past few years. The article examines possible interactions among the two variables within each country over these periods and searches out overall tendencies toward convergence or divergence. The article argues that there was divergence between the two countries in the first period, with the U.S. providing more participatory opportunities earlier than Canada and establishing a more developed regulatory framework. An overview of progress over the second period, showing some convergence among the two countries, is then provided. Canada seemed to be catching up to its southern counterpart in terms of both participatory opportunities—although they took a distinctively Canadian form—and policy decisions. More recently, however, the trend has been toward divergence. The article explains that, over the past few years, participatory opportunities in Canada have been diminished and the environmental regulatory framework has been scaled back. Although there have been some changes in the U.S. case, the scale of these changes has not been as extensive. The final section of the article then attempts to relate these broader trends in participation and policy decisions to the political context in each country. It is argued that institutional frameworks in the two countries have played a key role in the identified trends. In particular, Canada's institutional structure—specifically the concentration of power in the executive and its federal structure—has hastened these recent developments, while the U.S. institutional framework—with its multiple power centers—has acted as a brake on those who advocate significant change to the existing environmental policy regime.     

北美自由贸易协定与美墨关系

北美自由贸易协定(NAFTA)的签定是冷战结束后美墨关系发生变化的一个重要标志,是经济全球化过程中的重要发展趋势。美、加、墨通过建立经济合作关系,实行经济自由化、一体化,既有利于三国经济的互利合作,又促进墨西哥的政治经济体制改革,为墨西哥对外经济开放、发展外向型经济提供机遇。但美墨之间由于历史遗留问题以及墨西哥国内依然存在的强烈民族主义倾向,墨西哥经济对美国经济的过分依赖等,使美墨关系还存在不确定的变数。由于墨西哥积极发展与亚太地区和欧盟的经济合作关系,未来美墨关系的发展,以及建立北美自由贸易区统一货币等问题,是对NAFTA的一个严峻考验。     

1962年中印边界冲突与美巴关系

本文认为1962年中印边界冲突前,随着美国南亚政策的调整,美巴的盟友关系出现了潜在的裂缝.中印边界冲突发生后,美国在未同巴基斯坦磋商的情况下向印度提供军事援助,导致美巴关系fla～T危机.冲突停止后,美巴关系继续恶化,1965年印巴战争爆发后降到了历史的最低点.本文也认为美巴关系发生剧变有非常复杂的原因.     

理想主义还是现实主义?——威尔逊政府对华政策评析

关于美国总统威尔逊的理想主义外交,国内外学者持有不同的见解。从美国和当时的欧亚强国在对中华民国的承认、善后大借款以及对日本"二十一条"的不同反映等问题上可以看出,威尔逊在处理对华政策上和欧亚列强有着鲜明的差别,带有毋庸置疑的理想主义色彩。然而,尽管美国和欧亚强国在对华政策上存在明显的差异,其本质是一致的,即都是以维护本国的国家利益为根本目的。     

朝鲜战争与英美关系

冷战初期 ,英美两国在二战时期建立的“特殊关系”得到进一步加强 ,英国成为美国推行冷战政策的最主要支持者和积极参与者。但是 ,这种“特殊关系”并不表明英国在所有国际问题上都与美国保持一致 ,对美国一味给予支持。围绕朝鲜战争和对华政策 ,双方存在着重大分歧和矛盾 ,从而使英美“特殊关系”经历了一次严峻考验。由于实力有限和对美国的依赖 ,英国不得不一再向美国做出妥协、让步 ,以避免双方关系的破裂。对于英国来说 ,维护和加强同美国的关系是其外交政策的核心所在。朝鲜战争从一个侧面揭示了英美关系的复杂性和不对称性     

THE EFFECT OF THE FREE TRADE AGREEMENT ON CANADA'S ENERGY RESOURCES

The inclusion of energy in the Free Trade Agreement (fta) illustrates perhaps better than any other provision in the agreement that the basic objective of this treaty was not the elimination of tariffs between Canada and the U.S.A. but the creation of a new economic order for Canada, which would limit the power of the nation-state to intervene in the economy. By the time the FTA came into effect at the beginning of 1989, Canada and the U.S.A. had already established virtually a free-trade relationship in energy commodities. The previously existing National Energy Program had been dismantled by the federal Conservative government by June of 1985 and this was followed by a process of thoroughgoing deregulation in all spheres of energy under federal jurisdiction. With the coming into force of the FTA, the newly deregulated Canadian energy economy became an irrevocable and permanent feature of Canada's energy relations with the United States.     

Time to Grow Up? Canadian Understandings of Revolutionary Cuba to the Missile Crisis of 1962

The Cuban missile crisis was a moment during the Cold War when rhetoric, brinkmanship, and politics intersected with notions of masculinity, empire and colonization to nearly disastrous ends. The crisis occurred at a moment of transition in Canada in which Canadians were profoundly concerned over the state of Canadian–Cuban relations and Canada’s place in the world. This article examines how previous understandings and preconceptions of “Cuba”—such as feminized and infantilized images of Cuban leader Fidel Castro in political cartoons and editorials in newspapers – influenced how Canadians understood the crisis, their nation and how the Canadian government should interact with other powers. While both negative and positive images of Castro and Cuba were present in Canadian public discussion, Canadians utilized the same imagery to argue that their government should act in its own best interests after the missile crisis.     

‘Ending the hegemonic presumption’? Recent writings on US–Cuban relations*

For over fifty years relations between the United States and Cuba have been antagonistic, with each side blaming the other for the continuing impasse. This Caribbean Cold War has seen an unsuccessful armed invasion of Cuba (popularly known as the Bay of Pigs invasion), the threat of nuclear war between the US and the USSR (the ‘Cuban missile crisis’), and an intensifying series of measures by the US government to reverse the Cuban social and political revolution of the 1960s. Since the early nineteenth century Washington has sought to control Cuba; and the US conditions for relaxing its pressure on present‐day Cuba continue this tradition, itself part of a broader ideology (often short‐handed as the Monroe Doctrine) which sees the western hemisphere as America's legitimate and exclusive ‘sphere of interest’. This article examines a number of recent works dealing both with the US–Cuban relationship, placing this relationship in historical and geopolitical contexts, and with the impact on Cuban society of the economic crisis of the 1990s caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union.     

ARE EU COUNTRIES LESS INTEGRATED THAN U.S. STATES? THEORY AND EVIDENCE*

ABSTRACT A belief that EU integration is incomplete is often predicated on a comparison to U.S. states. Yet, with low barriers to trade and factor mobility between EU countries, is this belief correct? To address this question, we develop three theoretical predictions regarding the distribution of output and factors across members of an integrated economic area with harmonized policies and free movement of goods and factors. Empirical tests strongly support these predictions for U.S. states and 14 EU countries. Constructing a measure of integration, we find that EU integration rose from the 1960s to equal that of U.S. states by 2000.