论近代初期英国新贵族与社会阶级的关系

对于英国资产阶级马克思所给予的评价是"被钳夹在贵族阶级和工人阶级之间的",⑴由此可见英国贵族给予英国近代政治以十分深刻的影响,所以研究英国的近代政治制度必然要关注贵族阶级。有关阶级史的研究中,经常出现有关英国的新贵族问题,史学界对英国的新贵族的理解还未尽一致。鉴于此,本文准备对新贵族作一些分析,并对新贵族与各阶层的关系发表一些肤浅的看法。     

论近代初期英国新贵族与社会阶级的关系

对于英国资产阶级马克思所给予的评价是“被钳夹在贵族阶级和工人阶级之间的”,^（1）由此可见英国贵族给予英国近代政治以十分深刻的影响,所以研究英国的近代政治制度必然要关注贵族阶级。有关阶级史的研究中,经常出现有关英国的新贵族问题,史学界对英国的新贵族的理解还未尽一致。鉴于此,本文准备对新贵族作一些分析,并对新贵族与各阶层的关系发表一些肤浅的看法。     

论近代初期英国新贵族与社会阶级的关系

对于英国资产阶级马克思所给予的评价是“被钳夹在贵族阶级和工人阶级之间的”,^（1）由此可见英国贵族给予英国近代政治以十分深刻的影响,所以研究英国的近代政治制度必然要关注贵族阶级。有关阶级史的研究中,经常出现有关英国的新贵族问题,史学界对英国的新贵族的理解还未尽一致。鉴于此,本文准备对新贵族作一些分析,并对新贵族与各阶层的关系发表一些肤浅的看法。     

20世纪英国世袭贵族的衰落

1998年至今，英国政府有步骤地实行改革，最终剥夺了数百名世袭贵族在上院的席位和表决权。这次改革虽然没有历史上那种轰轰烈烈的场面，但作用不容低估。它废除了议会中以爵位世袭为传承纽带的特权制，代之以非世袭的议员选任制。可以想到，若无1997年工党的上台，就不会有这次议会改革。即便如此，该党还是在水到渠成的情况下实行改革的。     

文艺作品中的近代英国贵族服饰

通过肖像画和时人所著道德训诫、政论性小册子、游记、私人日记等文艺作品,可以清晰看到近代英国贵族的服饰处在奢华与简约、矫饰与实用的冲突之中。都铎时期贵族穿戴夸耀式的奢华服饰,展现富足时髦的宫廷和强大的王权。复辟时期贵族服饰虽仍受法国宫廷影响,却增添了一些简约的东方元素,使英国服饰开始有了自身的特色。"光荣革命"后,贵族男子为确立其统治的正统性,穿上富有"男子气概"的简约服装,而女装未摆脱洛可可文化的影响,再次回归奢华矫饰。     

知识分子阶级属性认定的艰难历程

1995年,季羡林先生在谈及中国知识分子的境遇时说：“干知识分子这个行当是并不轻松的,在过去的七八十年中,我尝够了酸甜苦辣,经历够了喜怒哀乐。走过了阳关大道,也走过了独木小桥。有时候,光风霁月;有时候,阴霾满天。有时候,峰回路转;有时候,柳暗花明。金榜上也曾     

中国共产党对知识分子阶级属性认识的曲折过程

中国共产党对知识分子的阶级属性的认识经历了一个曲折的过程。新中国成立前后,刘少奇、周恩来等人从经济地位上界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;1956年,周恩来和邓小平将经济地位和为谁服务统一起来界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;1961、1962年间,周恩来将经济地位、为谁服务、思想状况初步统一起来界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;1978年,邓小平在全国科学大会上将经济地位、为谁服务、思想状况重新统一起来界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;党的十一届三中全会以后,邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛在坚持经济地位、为谁服务、思想状况统一的基础上,着力解决知识分子是工人阶级中怎样的“一部分”的问题。     

近代前期思想家对英国贵族制的评论

在近代前期的200多年里,英国乃至欧洲思想界长久关注着不列颠贵族体制,对其褒扬或贬抑。两种力量的基本发展态势是,在17世纪,“褒扬派”占有绝对优势;进入18世纪后,两派势头呈大致均衡;19世纪以来“贬抑派”的势头则逐渐增强。但由于传统保守主义文化的影响和政府限制,国内始终没有形成强大的反对贵族体制的政治运动。     

近代德国传统贵族与资产阶级的融合

在近代史上,德国贵族之所以牢牢地掌握着国家统治权,一个重要的原因在于他们与资产阶级的相互融合,利益日趋一致。一方面,贵族在经济上资产阶级化,另一方面,大资产阶级在政治上不断贵族化,而且相互之间通过频繁的联姻加强联系。贵族与资产阶级之间的这种密切关系为贵族在近代资本主义社会的统治奠定了政治基础。     

新社会阶层党员队伍建设与保持党的先进性

加强新社会阶层党员队伍建设直接关系到党的先进性的具体保持与体现。发展新社会阶层党员队伍是保持党的先进性的必然要求;加强新社会阶层党员队伍建设有利于保持党的先进性;保持党的先进性必须加强新社会阶层党员队伍建设;必须按照“三个代表”重要思想和中共中央关于在全党开展保持共产党员先进性教育活动《意见》的要求,与时俱进地加强新社会阶层党员队伍建设,保持和发展党的先进性。     

‘Divided Within Itself’: The Parliamentary Labour ‘Right’ and the Demise of Post‐War Revisionist Social Democracy in the 1970s

The article seeks to identify a neglected dimension of the ‘crisis’ and schism of British social democracy in the 1970s from within the ranks of the parliamentary Labour ‘right’ itself. Accounts of the so‐called ‘Labour right’ and its influential revisionist social democratic tradition have emphasized its generic cohesion and uniformity over contextual analysis of its inherent intellectual, ideological and political range and diversity. The article seeks to evaluate differential responses of Labour's ‘right‐wing’ and revisionist tendency as its loosely cohesive framework of Keynesian social democracy imploded in the 1970s, as a means of demonstrating its relative incoherence and fragmentation. The ‘crisis of social democracy’ revealed much more starkly its complex, heterogeneous character, irremediably ‘divided within itself’ over a range of critical political and policy themes and the basis of social democratic political philosophy itself. The article argues that it was its own wider political fragmentation and ideological introspection in the face of the ‘crisis’ of its historic ‘belief system’ which led to the fracture of Labour's ‘dominant coalition’ and the rupture of British social democracy.     

The place of politics and the politics of place: Housing,the Labour Party and the local state in England

This paper argues that geographical research needs to pay greater attention to political parties and their relationship to local governing. In returning to, and updating the concept of the local state, analysis of local socio-spatial and political relations reveals the quieter registers of political power in local governing, and in turn what this means for the condition of local democracy. The long-term housing regeneration of a neighbourhood in Gateshead, North East England is used here as an optic to do just that. Through moments of housing activism, the social and political relations between and within a local Labour Party and local state are considered. A local manifestation of a growing trend that questions the representation of mature structures of power that the Labour Party holds in deindustrialised areas of the UK is considered through struggles over decision-making, belonging, representation and legitimacy. Such accounts of the local scale are critical in relation to global political trends; where apathy, cynicism, lack of expectation and representation and insurgent populist parties are increasingly framed as potential political crises of mature western democracies.     

The British Parliamentary Labour Party and the Government of Ireland Act 1920

Immediately after the First World War the British Labour Party was forced to reconsider its relationship with an increasingly militant Irish nationalism. This reassessment occurred at the same time as it was becoming a major political and electoral force in post‐war Britain. The political imperative from the party's perspective was to portray itself as a responsible, moderate and patriotic alternative governing party. Thus it was fearful of the potential negative impact of too close an association with, and perceived sympathy for, extreme Irish nationalism. This explains the party's often bewildering changes in policy on Ireland at various party conferences in 1919 and 1920, ranging from support for home rule to federalism throughout the United Kingdom to ‘dominion home rule’ as part of a wider evolving British Commonwealth to adopting outright ‘ self‐determination’ for a completely independent Ireland outside both United Kingdom and empire. On one aspect of its Irish policy, however, the party was adamant and united – its opposition to the partition of Ireland, which was the fundamental principle of Lloyd George's Government of Ireland Bill of 1920 which established Northern Ireland. Curiously, that aspect of Labour's Irish policy was never discussed in the party at large. All the running was made by the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) in the house of commons in 1920. The PLP's outright opposition to the bill acted as balm throughout the wider party, binding together the confusing, and often contradictory, positions promulgated on the long‐term constitutional future of Ireland and its relationship with Britain.     

The pens of the defeated: John Hewitt,Sam Thompson and the Northern Ireland Labour Party

Telescoping the political lives and work of Sam Thompson and John Hewitt, this article demonstrates the importance of the Labour movement on both Belfast-born Protestant writers and how this inculcated a socialist conviction quite separate and antagonistic to Ulster unionism. Referencing Thompson's unpublished, largely unknown plays as well as newspapers and his trio of performed works, the article illuminates his public impact as well as the significance of the play Over the Bridge (1960). Hewitt's early political activities and regionalist outlook are explored, as is the controversy surrounding his 1957 move to Coventry. The underestimated importance of a class perspective within Northern Protestantism is addressed, the article arguing that questions of national identity are secondary to the writers' class and internationalist politics. With continuing resonance, literature and writing itself are shown as intrinsic to the Northern Ireland Labour Party, with which both were associated, fuelling resistance to both unionism and Irish nationalism.     

环境史及其对自然的重新书写

长期以来,由于根深蒂固的静止世界观及地理环境决定论的消极影响,再加上人类对自然的生态价值缺乏认识,自然长期被历史学家所忽视。自19世纪后半期,一些美国学者尝试将自然纳入历史的写作范畴。经过长时间摸索,这一努力日臻成熟,集中表现在20世纪六七十年代出现的环境史。环境史扩大了历史研究的范畴,提供了观察历史的新思路和新视角,它还可以对一些重大历史事件和理论问题重新做出解释。     

巴蜀符号的变迁及其性质分析

巴蜀符号主要发现在东周时期巴蜀青铜兵器、青铜工具和青铜印章上面。依据不同载体,分析了巴蜀符号的特征与演变。不同功能的器物上的巴蜀符号类型差异明显,当时的人们在使用这些符号的时候是有明确的区分,说明它们的性质、功能应该有所区别。青铜兵器上巴蜀符号可能与古蜀的古老传说和信仰密切相关,当时的人们相信其具有神奇的力量,能够增强兵器的神奇威力。印章上的符号可能象征吉祥的喻意,活人佩戴有护身符的性质,随葬于墓中有护佑死者的作用。青铜工具上的符号最大可能是代表所有者或生产者标识性徽记。     

铜桥形饰的性质和用途再考

铜桥形饰 ,实际上就是一种形状似桥的铜质饰物。据不完全统计 ,我国经科学发掘出土的铜桥形饰已达 1 0 0 0余件 ,采集品、博物馆收藏的传世品以及各种钱币图录中收录的铜桥形饰资料也颇为丰富。从其形态变化和纹饰特点看 ,大约有五种类型。 (图一 )铜桥形饰的分布地域相当广泛 ,在河南、河北、四川、湖北、山东、陕西、山西、湖南、甘肃以及内蒙古十多个省、自治区都有出土 ,尤以河南、河北和四川三省最为集中。铜桥形饰被使用和流行的时间跨度较大 ,自春秋晚期至西汉初年 ,约 30 0年 ,是春秋战国及西汉初期较为重要的一类铜质饰物① 。一、…