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1.
公元前53年,罗马帝国大军入侵伊朗,伊朗军队围歼,6000余罗马军队突围,逃现今的哈萨克斯坦,后为西汉陈汤收降,回中国,安置在永昌县。甘肃省永昌县城南10公里处的者来寨,我国西汉元帝时期在这里设置“骊罢”,用来安置古罗马帝国降人。人们也许会,古代中国从未和罗马帝国交战,罗马降从何而来?这是一件历史悬案,萦绕在人类史上两千年。为揭开世界上这一桩重大历史悬案,学家们为此而苦苦探索。这桩历史悬案起因于一场惨烈的古代争,即公元前53年,也就是中国西汉甘露年。当时的罗马帝国的执政官克拉苏,纠7个军团、约4.5万人的兵力,发动了对古安息,…  相似文献   

2.
自从古罗马军团安置骊靬县的说法传开以后,汉代河西的这一小县遂成为学界和社会关注的热点。本文检讨了自唐以来关于骊靬县名由来与设县年代的诸种说法,肯定了县之得名乃因其地原为匈奴犁汗王牧地,后讹写骊靬软的意见,并通过对《汉书》与《说文解字》记载矛盾的分析,论证骊靬县当设于公元前 121年汉武帝开河西设武威郡后不久。  相似文献   

3.
<正>红二、六军团长征初期,于1936年1月上旬经田心坪进入贵州,与国民党军队进行了激烈战斗。“田心坪战役”是红二、六军团入黔第一战。该战役的胜利,是红二、六军团长征路上的关键一步,成为红军长征史上的重要组成部分,为中国工农红军长征的胜利与中国革命事业的成功发挥了重要作用。  相似文献   

4.
一 1989年9月15日《中国文物报》第三版载有黄锂同志《公太史鼎与长子狗鼎》一文,读后觉得启发很大。我又重读了《江汉考古》关于黄陂县鲁台山M30的报告,此墓共出铜器19件,7件有铭。其中一件圆鼎铭“长子狗作文父乙尊彝”,另一件残卣圈足内底铭“□□□作父乙尊彝”,前三字拓本不清,疑以为“长子狗”的残泐。如是,则长子狗铜器当有两件(?)。长子狗是作器人名,原报告以“狗”为“长子”名可取。子,是否爵名,尚无直接证据。长为国名大体可以肯定。周初金文有两爵一尊均铭“长唯壶” (《善礼》7、62;《三代》8、18、19;《美录》A404、R259),穆王时有“长鬼作宝尊簋”,还有一件“长汤匜”(《三代》17、28、 3)。战国时侯马盟石有“(?)徒自质君所”,这些器物铭中的“长”字为族氏国名大可无疑。 但“长子”联名在甲骨文中都有,甲骨文:“其又长子,惟龟至,王受佑”(《后》上、  相似文献   

5.
丝路:欲哭无泪唐栋史载公元前53年,罗马将军克拉苏的7个精锐军团以破竹之势越过幼发拉底河,追击向东溃逃的帕提亚军队。眼见就要面临灭顶之灾的帕提亚人突然调转马头,朝紧随其后的罗马人射出暴雨般的乱箭,罗马人猝不及防,阵脚大乱。对于兵力强于帕提亚人数倍的罗...  相似文献   

6.
骊戎考     
骊戎是西周春秋时期居住在今陕西骊山下的一支戎狄族 ,近世学者将它混同于晋东南的“丽土之狄”是错误的。这种说法是建立在后世领土国家观念基础之上的 ,且未明了骊戎之“骊”作为族名 (或地名 )与丽土之“丽”作为动词使用是根本不能混为一谈的。骊戎属所谓姬姓之戎 ,它实际就是著名的犬戎或犬戎的一支 ,亦与春秋时的白狄相同族属。称犬戎者 ,以其崇尚犬图腾 ;称白狄者 ,以其尚白之习俗 ;称骊戎者 ,则以其世居骊山之缘故。  相似文献   

7.
在《文物》1983年第5期所载郫县文化馆梁文骏同志的《四川郫县东汉墓门石刻》简讯中,对于该墓右扇石墓墓门上部“出游图”内马头前面竖刻“家产黑驹”四字,认为是表明“这种马即《说文》所说的‘骊马’,是深黑色的马。门上所刻黑驹,似指与‘骊马’相类的名马。家产即自家饲养。”我们说,这样解释,似乎不够恰当。此处所云“家产”,据《说文·生部》:“产,生也。”则“家产”实即指“自家繁育”而言。如说成“自家饲养”,并不合于汉代对于“产”字的特定含意。至于“黑驹”解释成“是深黑色的马”,或谓“似指与‘骊马’相  相似文献   

8.
《神州民俗》2008,(4):1
这座旧称“省城”的广州,在孙中山长子孙科1917年任第一任广州市长拆除清代城墙后,旧城经过91年的变迁渐渐不复存在。  相似文献   

9.
司马迁《史记》对于周初燕君世系的记载非常简略,本文通过对西周燕国铜器铭文及相关文献资料的分析,初步拟出了西周早期的召公家族组织形态及燕君世系。周初第一代燕侯当为“克”,后“父子相传”,克之子燕侯旨成为第二代燕候。召伯父辛应是召公次子,留守宗周王朝继承父职,爵称当是“召伯”,其长子为伯(?)亦世为王官。留守宗周的可能还有召公另一子,其长子为伯觫。  相似文献   

10.
西汉骊靬县与犁靬国无关无关刘光华汉代张掖郡之骊县,古代即引起学者重视,重视原因有二,一为其归属问题,一为其得名之缘由。骊县之归属,由许慎引起,他在《说文解字》中说:“武威有丽县”(卷六)。骊本属张掖郡,而许慎言属武威郡,后人在注释《汉书·地理志》或校...  相似文献   

11.
杜勇  李玲玲 《史学集刊》2021,(2):86-92,105
商代自成汤始,三十帝十七世,弟及王位者十四人,其中九世为兄终弟及。殷王室在婚姻形态上虽有嫡庶之分,但并不彻底也不完备,未能进一步对继承王位的嫡子再分嫡庶,故无法形成具有区别大小宗的宗法制度。而子继作为弟及的中介和桥梁,起初主要是长兄之子,至小乙时转变为季弟之子,武乙以后又变为嫡长之子。子继者的亲属关系虽有变化,但在武乙之前基本上是兄终弟及的格局,从而显现出商代王位继承制的特质。周初承继了殷商末季的政治遗产,确立了更为严格的嫡长子继统法,遂成为后来百世不易的重要政治制度之一。  相似文献   

12.
Lhamin is an outstanding poet and scholar.His representafive work,Stories of Five Brothers,was selected for inclusion in the Selected Tibetan Literary Works through the Ages. In preparation for writing this article,the writer many times interviewed Lhamin Baigyi,eldest daughter of Lhamin, Lhamin Yewang,the youngest son of Lhamin,Dawa Cering,a staff member working with him,and Demoin Deqin Zholgar,a famous Tibetan scholar.  相似文献   

13.
Seventeen years after the Confederate general Robert E. Lee surrendered at Appomattox, his eldest son won a sweeping victory over the federal government in the United States Supreme Court. On December 4, 1882, the Supreme Court upheld a federal trial court's ruling that the United States government's claim of title to Arlington National Cemetery rested on an invalid tax sale. The Justices thus affirmed the lower court's verdict that George Washington Custis Lee (“Custis Lee”), eldest son of Mary and Robert E. Lee, held legal title to Arlington. The Supreme Court also upheld the lower court's decision to permit Custis Lee to bring suit against the government officers who occupied Arlington. On the latter point, the Justices split 5 to 4, with a majority ruling for Custis Lee. The outcome of United States v. Lee, commonly known as the Arlington case, made it clear that the Lee family, and not the United States government, owned Arlington.  相似文献   

14.
Family division is the way of reproduction of Chinese families and the starting point of building new families. Reasons of family division in the Republic of China include bad terms among sisters-in-law, among brothers, between father and sons, between mother-in-law and daughters-in-law, or working outside. There are three patterns of family division: one-time thorough division, serial division, and special types of division. The circumstances of family division include: inheritance while parents are alive or after their death; equal inheritance among brothers hosted by their uncle (mother’s brother), inheritance rights attributed to the eldest son or grandson, and special principles of property distribution. The rite of family division is quite solemn; documents of family division definitely need to be made with specific regulations. There are three ways of supporting for the eldly, among which leaving some land to parents is popularly adopted in rural China during the Republic period. Translated into English by Luo Hui  相似文献   

15.
《诗经》的婚恋悲剧,多是追求自由与专一的悲剧,这其中固然有礼制的原因,但并非是最根本的。西周以来的嫡长子继承制,使女性失去了拥有基本权利的经济基础,从而导致男权凌驾于女权之上,进而演化成整个社会的男权集体无意识。女子的婚恋悲剧就是由于女权被男权剥夺而导致的。  相似文献   

16.
SUMMARY: Most of the estates in Pomerania, Germany (now West Poland), were completely destroyed by the end of World War II (WWII). One of these estates belonged to our great-grandfather, and thereafter to the eldest son and a grandson; three generations lived in the house from 1861 to 1945. An inventory compiled in 1941 by the wife of the third owner has survived; the contents of the entire house, some with their ownership attached, enabled us to divide 80 years of occupation into three phases. This unusual but precise record, together with unpublished family histories, personal memories, and a few photos and documents made it possible to reconstruct the house and revive the history of these three generations in Daber-Freiheit.  相似文献   

17.
This paper attempts to explain both the long-term downward trend in coresidence of newly married Japanese couples with parents and the surprisingly large and sustained upturn in coresidence precipitated by the 1998 economic crisis. A multivariate analysis shows that the main causes of the long-term decline in coresidence at time of marriage are the declining percentage of arranged marriages, rising mean age at marriage for wives, rising levels of education among both husbands and wives, and the declining percentage of couples who grow up in rural areas. The contributions of these variables are partially offset by changes in the mix of couple types, especially the increase in the percentage of couples in which the husband is an eldest son. The analysis of the upturn in coresidence precipitated by the 1998 economic crisis reveals a complex interplay between changes in age at first marriage, family structure and coresidence.  相似文献   

18.
无论是传世文献还是甲骨金文,均反映出晚商时期有一个嫡庶观念逐渐加强的过程,而这个过程与殷墟西北岗王陵区不断突出王墓的作法是一致的。两个方面均反映出晚商王权的逐步加强以及父死子继王位传承制度的逐渐巩固与最终确立。西北岗王陵西区是比较纯粹的王陵区,但东区埋葬的人员较为复杂,只能看作是一处高等级王室墓地。西北岗王陵区可能开启于殷墟文化一期偏早阶段,并可能一开始就大致划定兆域界限。武丁在位时期可能对王陵制度作过重大调整,即西区只葬殷王,其他成员只能葬在王陵东区、小屯宫殿宗庙区西南部墓地以及后岗西区墓地等处。殷王陵不奉行夫妻并穴合葬,王与后分处。但王陵东区有异姓陪葬的现象。殷王陵区有象征国家政权的一面,与殷墟其他普通族墓地有较大差异。  相似文献   

19.
The Anglo-Norman ‘invasion’ had a profound impact on the names used by Irish families. New names such as Seán and Uilliam, introduced in the thirteenth, became widespread by the fourteenth century. In a number of cases a link can be established between the first occurrence of an Anglo-Norman name in an Irish family and an Anglo-Norman magnate with the same first name in the same region. This may have been the case for women also. Women's names were possibly more open to change, but in this field in particular more research needs to be done. The societies of both the Irish and the Anglo-Normans were patriarchal and as a consequence the naming pattern of the paternal family was usually followed. There are many similarities between the practices in Ireland and those in the rest of Western Europe, but it seems that Ireland differed in that here the eldest son rarely received the name of his paternal grandfather. Within the upper classes, the high nobility seems to have had a different attitude towards imitating Anglo-Norman names then did the lower nobility.  相似文献   

20.

This article deals with the effect of ownership and control of land on women's remarriages in early modern Western Norway. Marrying a tenant widow gave her new husband the right to tenure. On freeholder farms the eldest son, according to Norwegian odelsrett and åseterett, had the right to inherit the farm. When land-seeking youngsters obtained tenure by marrying tenant widows, these widows became highly attractive marriage partners, in contrast to widows of freeholder peasants where no secure position could be obtained for the new husband. Legal succession rights thus highly restricted the decisions of freeholder peasants' widows. Tenant widows had a wider range of choices closely linked to their control over land and land transfer. They were not mere passive marriage objects. In an open tenant land market widows could choose between running their farm by hired labour or with assistance from their children, they could remarry and thus acquire male labour in their household or they might benefit from giving up their tenure. Their decisions to a considerable degree influenced succession patterns on Norwegian tenant farms in the early modern period.  相似文献   

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