印度维持统一的外部原因探析

南亚地区以多民族、多宗教、多语言而著称,正是由于这个原因南亚地区分裂成印度和巴基斯坦两个国家。巴基斯坦又分裂成东巴和西巴两个部分。斯里兰卡从20世纪80年代陷入了事实上的分裂。然而,民族、宗教、语言更复杂的印度在独立后却没有发生分裂而维持了统一,其中一个非常重要的原因在于印度周边的大国没有给印度国内的民族分离运动予以必要的实质性支持。     

周恩来赴印度三次规劝十四世达赖喇嘛

西藏和平解放后,1956年4月成立了西藏自治区筹备委员会,着手进行民主改革。西藏上层分裂分子大为恐惧,在西康地区发动武装叛乱。1956年11月,印度邀请十四世达赖喇嘛参加释迦牟尼涅槃2500周年大会。国外敌对势力和流亡的西藏上层分裂分子包围达赖,鼓动"西藏独立",策反随行官员,致使达赖和随行官员思想混乱并滞留印度。1956年底,周恩来在访问印度期间与达赖进行了三次谈话,阐明了党的方针政策,教育随行官员和达赖的家人,争取印度总理尼赫鲁的支持,为达赖最终安全返回西藏起到了关键作用。     

美国中央情报局对中国西藏的准军事行动(1949-1969)

1949至1969年间美国中央情报局向西藏分裂势力提供了一系列准军事援助。该援助行动的实质是为美国远东战略利益服务,其目标是利用西藏分裂势力遏制与分裂中国,具体内容主要包括：为西藏叛乱分子提供情报和准军事训练技术;在西藏实施公路袭扰和破坏行动;为达赖集团提供军事物资和活动经费;与印度情报机构开展针对中国的情报合作等等。     

论尼赫鲁的核思想

对于二战后出现的核时代,尼赫鲁持欢迎的态度。他高度重视核能的和平利用,认为它代表了当时科学的最高成就,是落后国家迅速追赶西方先进国家的捷径,并为此在政策上给予印度核科学研究、核设施建设以巨大的支持。他坚决主张进行全球性的核军备控制与裁军,建立无核化的世界。他反对研发核武器,不主张、不支持印度拥有核武器。他的反核言论与支持发展核能的政策及他当政时期印度拥有制造核武器的能力形成了一种矛盾的现象,为他之后的印度政府改变核政策提供了科学技术基础。     

李约瑟视野中的印度科学

李约瑟在其力著《中国科技史》一书中,以其聪明才智展现出文明古国——中国的基本特点和成就。同时他对于文化之间思想和实践传播现象所做的思考也是颇有见地的。他对中——印在天文学、数学、炼金术和其他科学领域的交流研究尤其引人注目。虽然李约瑟对印度科学的了解基本是参考其他学者的研究来进行,但是他封印度科学的看法还是令人耳目一新,由于他对古代印度科学的某些方面有独到见解,他的著作对印度科学史学者非常有价值。事实上,李约瑟严谨的系列著述,以其丰厚的学术内涵,已成为印度科学史学者的灵感源泉。     

达赖认定班禅灵童是非法的无效的

达赖认定班禅灵童是非法的无效的国务院宗教事务局发言人答新华社记者问５月１４日,达赖喇嘛在印度突然宣布西藏一名儿童为“班禅转世灵童”。这充分暴露了达赖集团在一系列分裂祖国的活动屡遭失败之后,利用班禅转世,继续从事分裂活动的政治图谋。众所周知,藏传佛教格...     

藏区要闻

藏区要闻达赖认定班禅灵童是非法的无效的５月１７日国务院宗教事务局发言人就达赖喇嘛在印度宣布西藏的一名儿童为＂班禅转世灵童＂事发表谈话,严正申明：５月１４日,达赖喇嘛在印度突然宣布西藏一名儿童为＂班禅转世灵童＂。这充分暴露了达赖集团在一系列分裂祖国的活...     

朵噶·彭措饶杰

朵噶·彭措饶杰,中国人民解放军高级将领,西藏著名的爱国上层人士。和平解放前为西藏地方政府四噶伦之一、藏军总司令;和平解放后1956年任西藏自治区筹备委员会委员、中国人民解放军西藏军区副司令员。20世纪50年代初,中国人民解放军进军西藏的关键历史时期,国内国际政治形势错综复杂,朵噶·彭措饶杰审时度势,积极拥护中央人民政府和平解放西藏的方针及关于西藏工作的各项举措,热情参与西藏地方政府和军区的领导工作,为民族团结、西藏内部的团结和社会稳定、发展、建设付出了心血,做出了贡献。在维护祖国统一、反对分裂问题上他立场坚定、旗帜鲜明,关键时刻敢于挺身而出,与分裂分子做斗争。1956年在陪同达赖喇嘛到印度参加释迦牟尼诞生2500年纪念活动后,在日喀则停留期间的1957年藏历年期间,因劳累过度辞世,终年54岁。2003年是这位爱国人士、我军的高级将领百年诞辰,本刊特在此辑录他的一些事迹,以示纪念。     

唱颂史诗与朝觐圣山的旅行 印度教信徒吟诵罗摩衍那朝拜冈仁波齐活动随访

在印度,有很多的经典和不同经典的吟诵者,值没有人和帕布一样具有这么大的影响力,也没有人能够代替他或与他相提并论。对于帕布,《罗摩衍那》的故事就是他的生命。     

从国际视野看达赖喇嘛

从国际视野看达赖喇嘛直云去年５月１４日,达赖喇嘛在印度突然宣布西藏一名幼童为“班禅转世灵童”。这是达赖集团在一系列分裂活动失败后利用班禅转世继续从事分裂祖国活动的又一政治图谋。达赖喇嘛此举不仅违反历史惯例,违背宗教仪轨,对抗中央政府,而且在国际上混淆...     

英国退出印度的官方心态调整

英国财政困境与殖民统治问题是英国从印度退却的现实背景,然而,英国政府错误地认为自己仍然是印度独立进程的主导者,维持印度统一并把印度羁留在英联邦正是英国在此心态影响下制定的双重战略。内阁使团失败表明印度主要矛盾已经从殖民者与民族主义者对立转变为印度国大党与穆斯林联盟之间的利益斗争。随着印度局势恶化,英国政府的主导者心态转变为焦虑与无奈。蒙巴顿在形势压力下放弃统一印度的主张,承认了印巴分治的事实。英国政府在印度独立进程中的心态调整表明英国主动权非常有限,印度政治局势才是理解非殖民化的关键。     

不合作的悲剧：全印联邦方案流产探析

英国政府非常重视印度权力的移交问题。将政权移交给一个统一的印度政府可能在最大限度内维护英国在印度的政治利益、经济利益和战略利益。1918年《蒙塔古—蔡姆斯福德报告》提出由英属印度和印度土邦组成印度联邦的设想,此后,英国政府为实现这一设想作了很多努力,《西蒙委员会报告》、圆桌会议、《1935年印度政府法》、"内阁使团方案"一再重申并不断完善联邦方案。但是,由于国大党、穆斯林联盟等印度党派和教派不能互相妥协与合作,全印联邦方案最终流产,英国政府不得不实行印巴分治。     

Beyond an Imperial Foreign Policy?: India at the League of Nations, 1919–1946

ABSTRACT

This article argues that India’s role as the only non-self-governing member of the League of Nations provides a largely unexamined entry point into understanding the nature of Indian nationalism and public discourse during the first half of the twentieth century. Using previously unexplored archival documentation of India’s relationship to the League of Nations throughout the duration of the League’s existence, this article exposes the varied and contradictory perspectives through which imperial officials and Indian political figures engaged with international society within the framework of the British Empire. Through the distribution of League publications and the circulation of petitions seeking redress for imperial abuses, a wide range of Indians actively sought to stage India as a clearly defined nation at the level of the international in a way that was not possible within the subcontinent itself.     

The politics of saving Muslim women in India: Gendered geolegality,security, and territorialization

In this paper, we critically approach the idea of “saving Muslim women” by examining two prominent judgments by the Supreme Court of India and their attendant debates: Mohammad Ahmed Khan vs. Shah Bano Begum and Others 1985 AIR 945, popularly known as the Shah Bano judgment and Shayara Bano vs. Union of India And Others WP(C) No.118 of 2016, popularly known as the Triple Talaq (divorce) judgment. Using the frameworks of feminist geopolitics, femonationalism, and feminist geolegality, we analyze the debates around the Shah Bano and Triple Talaq judgments, looking at how the state employs and often usurps the narrative of gender equality and women's rights for its own purposes. We highlight how laws ostensibly for the protection of Muslim women (and the discourses that surround them) have the effect of strengthening the Hindu nationalist state, and furthering masculinist state building and territory making. By focusing debates on the categories of Muslim men and women, the law becomes a means to resolve the “problem” of Muslims in India.     

Imperialism and Internationalism in Early Australian International Relations: The Contribution of W. Harrison Moore

Depicted as an imperialist by historians, William Harrison Moore, law professor, initiator of international relations teaching in Australia, government expert and League of Nations delegate, is shown to have held a positive view of the role and potential of international institutions, a fact hitherto disregarded yet the key to his thought. He clearly regarded the Empire as making a valuable contribution to the society of states and to Australian interests, but also maintained that the creation of the League had transformed the international system especially in relation to security. In particular, he held that Australia derived undoubted advantages from League membership. Consequently, his internationalism must be seen as the wider context for his imperialist sentiments.     

The Book of Marriage: Histories of Muslim Women in Twentieth‐Century Australia

From 1860 to the 1920s, Muslim merchants and workers from across British India and Afghanistan travelled to Australian shores to work in the extensive camel transportation network that underpinned the growth of capitalism in the Australian interior. Through marriage, South Asian women in addition to white women and Aboriginal women became part of families spanning the Indian Ocean. Yet, the life‐worlds of these women are absent from Australian historiography and the field of Indian Ocean studies alike. When women do appear in Australian histories of Muslim communities, the orientalist accounts work to condemn Muslim men rather than shed light on women's lives. Leading scholars of Indian Ocean mobilities on the other hand, have tended to equate masculinity with motion and femininity with stasis, omitting analyses of women's life‐trajectories across the Indian Ocean arena. In this article, I rethink the definitions of ‘motion’ that underpin Indian Ocean histories by reading marriage records as an archive of women's motion. Using family archives spanning from Australia to South Asia, this article examines five women's marriages to South Asian men in Australia. Challenging the racist accounts of gender relations that currently structure histories of Muslims in Australia, I turn to the intellectual traditions of colonised peoples in search of alternatives to orientalist narratives. Redeploying the Muslim narrative tradition of Kitab al‐Nikah (Book of Marriage) to write feminist history, this article proposes a new framework to house histories of Muslim women.     

In Search of the Good Life: Life‐History of a Kenyan Indian Settler. A Sartrean Approach to Biography and History

This article recounts how a young Shi’a Muslim Indian born in north‐west India migrated to Kenya in the early twentieth century in the context of the evolving trade linking the two continents, and rose to become a successful merchant and respected member of the community. It portrays the struggles that he undertook with fellow Kenyan Indians against British colonial policies of racial discrimination and political marginalization, and shows some of the unintended consequences of these actions for the group in the post‐colonial period. Through the application of Jean‐Paul’s Sartre’s concepts of project, situation, seriality and dialectical totalization, the article attempts to capture some of the historical processes that took place during the period at four interconnected levels: individual; communal; regional; and global.     

Pakistan's nuclear bomb: beyond the non-proliferation regime

Pakistan's status as a nuclear power, which was made manifest when it carried out six nuclear tests in May 1998, came under renewed international scrutiny following the terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001. Of most immediate concern was the security of Pakistan's nuclear arsenal, which was believed to be vulnerable to Muslim terrorist groups with close links to the al-Qaida organization, headed by Osama bin Laden. However, the international crisis centering on the 'war against terrorism' is bound to revive debate about Pakistan's involvement in the nuclear non-proliferation regime; the risks of a nuclear war between India and Pakistan over Kashmir; and the need for tighter curbs on the export of nuclear technology to politically volatile regions in the Muslim world. These debates are likely to be overshadowed by Pakistan's own perceptions of the danger it faces of a military threat from a nuclear-capable India; its aspirations as a regional power; and its desire to be recognized as 'first among equals' in the Muslim world community of nations. Any attempt to draw Pakistan into the non-proliferation regime and to persuade it to assume its responsibilities as a nuclear power will need to address these concerns. Ultimately, however, it will be for Pakistanis to decide how long they wish to subordinate their country's economic well being to the pursuit of a nuclear programme whose priorities are defined by an unaccountable military regime.     

“杀杨儆宋”：杨杏佛被刺问题中的一个误解

蒋介石为何暗杀杨杏佛,"杀杨儆宋"说曾长期流行,照此杨成了过渡的工具,成了用以警示并可替代的牺牲品.其实"杀杨"是必然的,此举并非针对宋庆龄,主要目的是要扼杀民权保障同盟,一举扫除专制道路上的障碍.况且动机只是一个方面,还有个人原因也很重要,即具体暗杀对象与被选个人的情况有关.在蒋介石眼里,杨是一大祸害,他曾不顾禁令如实报道苏区,现又为民权保障同盟总干事,到处营救政治犯,做了许多共产党想做而做不到的事情.有如此"前因""后果"的考虑,民权保障同盟中最能干最起作用的杨杏佛自然便成了被暗杀的首选.杨杏佛被杀的动机和原因究竟如何,关系对他的评价能否如实到位.     

‘The Standard Work in English on the League’ and Its Authorship: Charles Howard Ellis,an Unlikely Australian Internationalist

Charles Howard (‘Dick’) Ellis, born in Sydney in 1895 and a Great War veteran, was working as a journalist in Vienna and Geneva when he wrote one of the most comprehensive books of the time on the League: The Origin, Structure and Working of the League of Nations (1928). Dedicated to the progressive literary figures of the era and showing a particular debt to the writings of the British Labour left, Ellis argued that the internationalism of the age marked a necessary rejection of the anarchic conditions that brought forth the Great War. The League and its associated institutions constituted ‘the first step toward a world society’ that would facilitate the suppression and ultimate removal of the causes of conflict. A remarkable work in itself, this progressive volume was written by a member of British intelligence who had already made a reputation in this sphere and was to go on to hold very senior positions in the 1940s. The question is considered whether the ideas expressed were a product of Ellis's genuine beliefs, or whether they were a mask for his substantive professional role. The circumstances around the writing of this book are also reviewed in an attempt to answer this question, especially given the hitherto accepted scholarly view that Konni Zilliacus of the League Secretariat was the actual author.