鲜为人知的香港禁婢运动

自1842年英国强占香港后,殖民者在香港推行一系列殖民统治政策的同时,大兴买卖奴婢(华人)之风。据不完全统计,到20世纪20年代初,香港的婢女约有近两万人,且大多为十四、五岁的少女。这些如同女奴的华人婢女生活在社会最低层,劳动时间长、生活待遇低,更无人身自由,主人可随意打骂买卖,甚至玩弄作乐。她们当中不少人被折磨致死,有的被逼寻短见,或被卖为娼,年老、体弱者只好流浪街头乞讨,处境极为悲惨。婢女制度的存在,成为香     

香港禁婢运动

自1842年英国强占香港后,殖民者在香港推行一系列殖民统治政策的同时,大兴买卖奴婢（华人）之风。据不完全统计,到上世纪二十年代初,香港的婢女约有近两万人,且大多为十四、五岁的少女。这些如同女奴的华人婢女生活在社会最低层,劳动时问长、生活待遇低,更无人身自由,主人可随意打骂买卖,甚至玩弄作乐。她们当中不少人被折磨致死,有的被逼寻短见,或被卖为娼,年老、体弱者只好流浪街头乞讨,处境极为悲惨。婢女制度的存在,成为香港严重的社会问题,     

鲜为人知的香港禁婢运动

自1842年英国强占香港后,殖民者在香港推行一系列殖民统治政策的同时,大兴买卖奴婢(华人)之风。据不完全统计,到20世纪20年代初,香港的婢女约有近两万人,且大多为十四、五岁的少女。这些如同女奴的华人婢女生活在社会最低层,劳动时间长、生活待遇低,更无人身自由,主人可随意打骂买卖,甚至玩弄作乐。     

鲜为人知的香港禁婢运动

自1842年英国强占香港后,殖民者除在香港推行一系列殖民统治政策外,还大兴买卖华人奴婢之风。据不完全统计,到20世纪20年代初,香港的婢女约有近2万人,且大多为十四五岁的少女。这些如同女奴的华人婢女生活在社会最低层,劳动时间长,生活待遇低,更无人身自由,主人可随意打骂买卖,     

明清时期土地买卖中的税契制度

在我国,土地的买卖起源很早。周秦以来,随着土地私有制的发展,土地买卖日益频繁。最初,买卖土地只需买卖双方订立契约,作为凭证,未见有向官府履行任何手续。据《隋书·食货志》载:“晋自过江,凡货卖奴婢马牛田宅,有文券,率钱一万,输     

乾隆妃殴毙宫婢案

清代蓄奴之风盛行,封建贵族、官僚地主家中奴婢成群。乾隆年间,州县官所蓄奴婢,多者达数百人。大肆营私纳贿的内阁大学士和坤,穷极奢侈,在他家宅内“供厮役者,竟有千余名之多”。当时,一般“中家以上”,都“坐役仆妇及婢女数人,少者亦一二人”。这些奴婢身世极为悲惨。主人可任意残酷压榨和迫害奴婢,也可以随意把自己的奴婢赠人或     

西夏文卖畜契和雇畜契研究

新发现的西夏文卖畜契集中反映了西夏牲畜买卖的具体情况,内容丰富,对研究西夏的商业、农牧业经济和社会生活具有重要价值。本文将基本完整的二十件西夏文草书卖畜契和雇畜契译成汉文,进行考释和研究,展示这些契约的形式和内容,进一步探讨西夏大牲畜的价格,并对黑水城和武威使用粮食和钱币买牲畜不同特点进行分析,认为武威地区的货币经济比较发达。西夏末年的卖畜契中牲畜价钱暴涨,反映出当时蒙古入侵,西夏社会动荡、通货膨胀的情景。又探讨了部分牲畜买卖是贫苦农民在缺粮时为换取粮食的无奈之举。并指出黑水城普渡寺在农民乏粮时低价购买大牲畜,转手高价租雇给缺乏畜力的农民,往返盘剥,使农民逐渐走上赤贫的道路。     

秦及西汉前期私人畜养未成年奴婢之风探析——以简牍材料为中心

秦及西汉前期私人畜养未成年奴婢的风气颇盛，上至权贵，下到平民，均存在畜养未成年奴婢的现象，只是在数量上有所差异。这一现象得到直观体现的重要基础之一，是秦汉时期户籍登记制度的严格执行。小农经济难以克服的脆弱性、买卖奴婢的市场广泛存在、秦汉律令对奴婢所有者权利的保护、未成年奴婢的平均售价明显低于成年奴婢、未成年奴婢可分担成年奴婢的部分工作，是造成私人畜养未成年奴婢之风盛行的主要原因。在奴隶制生产关系的支配下，未成年奴婢难以得到应有的保护。     

“主仆名分”与宋代奴婢的法律地位——唐宋变革时期阶级结构研究之一

新发现的《天圣令》有关令文 ,反映了北宋时期还存在着良贱制度 ,这种制度到南宋时才完全消亡。在阶级结构调整过程中 ,原来旧的针对贱口奴婢的法律无法适用于具有良人身份的雇佣奴婢 ,宋统治者通过立法 ,对雇佣奴婢的法律地位作出明确规定。在“主仆名分”制约下 ,雇佣奴婢被纳入家族同居范围 ,与雇主结成密切的依附关系。雇主侵害雇佣奴婢依常人法处置 ,雇佣奴婢侵害雇主 ,则依家族同居法加重惩处。即使是主雇关系已解除 ,“主仆名分”的影响仍然存在。宋代奴婢的法律地位随着良贱制度的存亡而上下波动 ,有所变化。     

简牍文献中秦及汉初奴婢制度的特征

奴婢是秦及汉初的一个贱民阶层.研究奴婢制度的特征,有助于我们全面而又深刻地认识奴婢这一弱势群体.文章以简牍文献为主,结合传世经典文献,对秦及汉初奴婢制度的特征进行了分析.其特征如下:一是各阶层普遍拥有奴婢.二是不同时期奴婢的主要来源成分不同.战国时期奴婢主要来自于战俘,秦朝奴婢主要来源于罪犯及其收孥而来的罪犯家属.秦末汉初奴婢主要来源于破产农民.三是民间奴婢买卖盛行.四是奴婢用途广泛.奴婢除当作商品用来交换外,还从事各种生产劳动,包括家内杂务和农业、手工业生产及经商,男奴充兵或代主人服役,女婢殉葬.五是奴婢有一定的社会地位,体现在生命权、财产权及法律地位上.     

International activity in Antarctica 1955–56

Small farmers in the Crofting Counties receive relatively low prices for their store stock partly because most of them are bought by dealers. Dealers rather than farmers purchase the stores because they are marketed in small diverse lots and because many of them are sold at centres far removed from the main areas of demand. Suggested improvements in the marketing system include grouping stock prior to sale and selling them at large accessible markets rather than at small remote ones.     

清代博爱李自奇卖地契李仲买地契的史料价值

李自奇是李牟的父亲。李仲号大亮,是李岩的二哥。康熙元年李自奇卖地契,十二年李仲买地契,与康熙五十五年《李氏家谱》中有关记述可相互佐证,既为研究清初豫北土地买卖提供了具体资料,也为研究明末李自成军中的李牟、李大亮提供了佐证资料。     

Promoting innovation Innovate or die

Abstract

The concept of innovation is analysed and misconceptions are condemned. The Rolls-Royce engine RB211 and the Pilkington glass float process are cited as profitable examples of British innovations. Intellectual property is considered as a tradable commodity in the form of patents which can be bought and sold. The need to communicate with the City of London is discussed together with the international context within which innovation operates. It is concluded that essentially innovation must be internally driven.     

The Rio Grande do Norte Astrolabe

The Rio Grande do Norte astrolabe may have been found in Brazilian waters, although its provenance is unclear. It was bought and sold at auction in the Unites States in 2011, and the instrument represents a well-preserved specimen within a small and poorly understood collection of published marine astrolabes. It is signed by Agostinho de Goes Raposo, a member of a line of documented Portuguese astrolabe makers, and dated to 1656. This paper relates the condition, treatment, and ethical situation of the artifact, and hopes to advance our understanding of this class of navigation instruments.     

晚清乡村秀才的多重角色与多样收入 ——清光绪年间徽州乡村秀才胡廷卿收支账簿研究

光绪年间徽州秀才胡廷卿具有亦绅亦商的多重角色,他既为村民提供教学、治病、看八字、合婚、择期,以及祀会管理等服务,从中获取束修、"喜包钱"等收入;与此同时,胡廷卿又购置茶园地,生产、销售红茶,并投资茶号,成为茶叶贸易商人,并从商业经营中获得收入。胡廷卿在乡村生活中所表现出的多重角色与多样收入现象,较为具体地反映了晚清乡村士绅谋生方式及其收入变化的实际形态。其中,塾师收入过低是胡廷卿谋生方式转变的内在原因,而自身的文化素养、乡村自然经济资源、徽州经商传统和市场发展状况,则是其谋生方式转变的外在因素。     

上海私营工商业与人民胜利折实公债

1950年发行的人民胜利折实公债,是新中国成立后发行的第一笔国家公债,也是唯一一次折实公债,是国家克服当时困难、稳定金融物价的重大举措.第一期全国发行1万万分,上海承担了其中的3000万分,占华东的2/3,占全国的近1/3的份额,而这主要是由上海私营工商业者承担的.上海私营工商界响应政府号召,努力克服自身暂时的困难,顾全大局,积极认缴公债,表现了他们的爱国主义精神.     

Playing with Fire: The 4th Duke of Hamilton's Jacobite Politics and the Union

James Hamilton, duke of Hamilton and the Scots jacobites are generally linked in analyses of the final years of the Scots polity. Indeed, Hamilton is often presented as the leader of the jacobite party in the Scottish parliament. Yet both contemporaries and historians have been unsure what to make of his on-again, off-again, conduct with respect to the exiled Stuarts and France. This has fuelled an ongoing debate about Hamilton's erratic and highly enigmatic behaviour during the winter of 1706–7, when the Union was passing the Scottish parliament. Was he genuinely opposing the Union? Was he duped by the court? Or was he, ‘bought and sold for English gold ’? This essay takes a fresh look at the duke and his part in the Union crisis in the light of new and previously underused jacobite sources with a view to better understanding Hamilton's aims, objectives, and influence with this crucial group. Only the jacobites and the Cameronians were potentially willing to take their opposition to the Union to God's Acre. But neither party immediately flew to arms in response to passage of a union they both believed was a betrayal of everything they held dear, and Hamilton was a major factor in their failure to do so. This essay thus takes a close look at the duke's part in preventing a major national uprising against the Union in the winter of 1706–7 and advances a new interpretation of his conduct and significance throughout the Union crisis.     

Use of repeat house sales to measure changes since the early‐ or mid‐1980s in two inner‐city neighbourhoods in Windsor,Ontario

Changes in the prices of homes and the reasons for those changes may be more accurately predicted from repeat sales of the same homes after controlling for their changed attributes and differences in time between their sales and resales. This paper analyzes 346 of 583 sold houses in the Glengarry neighbourhood in Windsor, Ontario, that were sold more than once between 1981 and mid‐2017, and a corresponding 414 of 737 sold houses in the city's Wellington‐Crawford neighbourhood, sold more than once between 1986 and mid‐2017. After comparing types of resold homes with once‐sold ones, a repeat sales model predicts a first period of increasing annual percentage changes in resale prices compared to sale prices during the 1980s, followed by a second period of stagnation and possible decreases until 2011, and then increases during a third period after that. In addition, changes in resold homes’ attributes of the dwelling unit and neighbourhood are a second type of neighbourhood change in two inner‐city neighbourhoods during the past 30 or more years.     

从铭文看两汉铜器皿的生产经营方式及其变化

汉代铜器皿的生产经营方式多样,且变化明显。大致可分为三个阶段:西汉早期,国家的经济政策较为宽松,铜器生产较为自由,制作机构既有中央和地方政府控制的各级工官,也有地方诸侯和富商,产品得以自由买卖;西汉中晚期,由于对地方诸侯和私人工商业实行打击和限制政策,铜器的生产经营方式发生变化,地方诸侯和富商基本退出铜器的生产领域,铜器的制造由政府专控;东汉早期,随着政策的放宽,铜器由政府专控的局面开始松动,私人作坊造作的铜器出现,至东汉中晚期政府各级工官基本退出铜器生产领域,铜器的制作为私营或工官监制私人承制的形式。     

The Supreme Court and the Interstate Slave Trade: A Study in Evasion, Anarchy, and Extremism

Opponents of slavery often argued that the federal government possessed the constitutional authority to outlaw the interstate slave trade. At its founding in 1833, the American Anti‐Slavery Society declared that Congress “has a right, and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domestic slave trade between the several States.” The idea had been endorsed earlier, during the Missouri controversy of 1819–1820, by both John Jay and Daniel Webster. Later on, in the 1840s and 1850s, it was supported by such prominent politicians as John Quincy Adams, Salmon P. Chase, and Charles Sumner. Defenders of slavery were, of course, horrified by the suggestion that the South's peculiar institution might be attacked in this way, and they vehemently denied that the Constitution permitted any such action. The prolonged debate over the issue focused on two key provisions of the Constitution. One was the Commerce Clause (Article I, Section 8, Clause 3), which says that Congress has the power to “regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes.” The other was the 1808 Clause (Article I, Section 9, Clause 1), which says that the “Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight.” Abolitionists held that the Constitution sanctioned congressional interference in the domestic slave trade both generally, by virtue of the Commerce Clause, and specifically, by virtue of the 1808 Clause. They argued that since slaves were routinely bought and sold, they obviously were articles of commerce, and therefore Congress had unlimited authority over interstate slave trafficking. Furthermore, they said, the words “migration or importation” in the 1808 Clause meant that as of January 1, 1808 Congress had acquired the right not only to ban the importation of slaves, but also to prohibit their migration from one state to another. Defenders of slavery replied that Congress could not interfere in property rights and that the power to regulate commerce did not include the power to destroy it. They also said that the word “migration” in the 1808 Clause referred, not to the domestic movement of slaves, but to the entry into the United States of white immigrants from abroad. ¹