Translation de Domicile: Rethinking Sedentarity and Mobility in the Early Modern French Countryside

Was the countryside of early modern France marked fundamentallyby mobility or sedentarity? Tax rolls suggest the former, highendogamy rates the latter. For the period 1660–1720, ararely used source, the registers of translation de domicile(change of tax domicile), provide a more comprehensive answerthan civil or tax records. They suggest that, first, 60,000–70,000better-off families moved each year; second, poor migrants,such as day labourers, rarely made declarations; third, thosewho owned land, moved far less often; fourth, laboureurs typicallymoved between 10 and 40 kilometres to take on farms of greaterimportance; fifth, cottagers and day labourers moved to a nearbyvillage, rarely more than 5 kilometres away and finally, menand their families moved for economic gain, whereas women movedbecause of economic loss, after the death of their husband.Because the laboureurs dominated the villages—for example,paying most of the taxes—their movement shook the villagein fundamental ways. The translation de domicile registers indicatevillages open to the outside, full of in-migrants, whose economicstatus often bore a close correlation to the distance of theirmove (high-long, low-short).     

Devotion to St James and family identity: the Thurns of Salzburg

Miles or knight referred in twelfth-century Salzburg to a servile retainer of a ministerial or noble. In the thirteenth century the knights coalesced with the lesser ministerials, who were the vassals of the great ministerial lineages, to form the estate of knights, the lowest strata of the Salzburg nobility. The Thurns are an example of lesser ministerials who belonged to the estate of knights and who rose to prominence in the thirteenth century by serving the archbishops of Salzburg. The founder of the lineage's fortunes was Werner I of Lengfelden (1230–1268), the master of the archbishop's kitchen, who built St Jakob am Thurn, south of Salzburg. The distinguishing characteristic of the lineage was its devotion to the Apostle James, a saint associated with knighthood. The Thurns adopted Jakob as their leading name, built the church of St James next to their tower, St Jakob am Thurn, and the church of St James in Faistenau, and were buried in the chapel of St James in Salzburg, which they endowed.     

The Writing on the Wall: The Concealed Communities of the East Yorkshire Horselads

This paper examines the graffiti found within late 19th and early 20th century farm buildings in the Wolds of East Yorkshire. It suggests that the graffiti were created by a group of young men at the bottom of the social hierarchy—the horselads—and was one of the ways in which they constructed a distinctive sense of communal identity, at a particular stage in their lives. Whilst it tells us much about changing agricultural regimes and social structures, it also informs us about experiences and attitudes often hidden from official histories and biographies. In this way, the graffiti are argued to inform our understanding, not only of a concealed community, but also about their hidden history.     

Cultural relativism and indigenous rights: Rethinking some dilemmas in applied anthropology (part 2)

The basis on which people should understand and relate to each other is a crucial dilemma for applied anthropology and a human rights organization such as the Forest Peoples Programme. Cultural relativism rejects universalism, critiques the individualist emphasis of human rights as Western imperialism and teaches that every society must be understood on its own terms. While it is true that some countries have resisted the impositions of the human rights regime, most have also ratified the key human rights treaties. It is clear that the notion of ‘human rights’ is a cultural construct of Western civilization, with a long gestation dating back to the ancient Greeks. Human rights have three foundational principles: individual rights, non-discrimination and self-determination. The tension between the three creates space for cultural specificity, decolonization and the assertion of collective rights. Indigenous peoples have effectively used the human rights system of the United Nations to reclaim their collective rights and, in so doing, accept that these universal norms also apply to their own societies, which they reform through their self-determined efforts. Ultimately, all human rights trace back to various conceptions of freedom – free will, freedom of belief, autonomy and self-determination – and even in societies where personhood is more relational and communal, notions of collective freedom are readily discernible. We need an ‘anthropology of freedom’ that builds on the insights of cultural relativism but is open to supporting self-determined movements for reform.     

Cultural relativism and indigenous rights: Rethinking some dilemmas in applied anthropology (part 1)

The basis on which peoples should understand and relate to each other is a key dilemma for applied anthropology and a human rights organization such as the Forest Peoples Programme. Cultural relativism rejects universalism, critiques the individualist emphasis of human rights as Western imperialism and teaches that every society must be understood in its own terms. While it is true that some countries have resisted the impositions of the human rights regime, most have also ratified the key human rights treaties. It is clear that the notion of ‘human rights’ is a cultural construct of Western civilization, with a long gestation dating back to the ancient Greeks. Human rights have three foundational principles: individual rights, non-discrimination and self-determination. The tension between the three creates space for cultural specificity, decolonization and the assertion of collective rights. Indigenous peoples have effectively used the human rights system of the United Nations to reclaim their collective rights and, in so doing, accept that these universal norms also apply to their own societies, which they reform through their self-determined efforts. Ultimately, all human rights trace back to various conceptions of freedom – free will, freedom of belief, autonomy and self-determination – and even in societies where personhood is more relational and communal, notions of collective freedom are readily discernible. We need an ‘anthropology of freedom’ that builds on the insights of cultural relativism but is open to supporting self-determined movements for reform.     

An inquiry into the causes for the multiple goals of the United States Antitrust Law from a historical perspective

It is not the case as Robert Bork claims that the U. S. antitrust law had only one goal—maximization of consumer welfare of efficiency—at the very beginning and should have been kept that way for its later development. Partly because of the fighting among different interest groups as well as spokesmen of different regions at the 51st Congress, the Sherman Antitrust Act came out as a legislation with multiple goals, which were also taking shape under the influence of the Republican idea of balance of power, the liberal belief in property rights, the freedom of contract of classic economics, and the price theory of neoclassic economics. In more than a hundred years after that, the U.S. antitrust law has shifted the center of its goals as a result of the change of regulatory regimes with different emphases such as market function, economic stabilization, social concern, and economic efficiency during different periods. From a historical perspective, it is beyond dispute that the U.S. antitrust law has had multiple goals instead of only one. __________ Translated from: Shixue Yuekan 史学月刊 (Journal of Historical Science), No.6, 2004     

Unborn in the USA: Inside the War on Abortion

Unborn in the USA traces the activities of antiabortion activistsin thirty-five states, documenting a range of antichoice activism,from exhibiting photo displays of aborted fetuses to a folkartist who creates life-sized sculptures of fetuses at variousdevelopmental stages. It offers only one side in the abortionwar—those opposed to the procedure—and only thosewho attempt to derail support for abortion by presenting imagesof aborted fetuses, even though, curiously, the     

Creating Choice: A Community Responds to the Need for Abortion and Birth Control, 1961-1973

Creating Choice is an important collection of edited interviewswith individuals involved in the movement to secure women'saccess to birth control and abortion in western Massachusettsin the decades surrounding the Supreme Court's pivotal rulings,Griswold v. Connecticut, the 1965 decision that legalized contraceptiveuse by married couples, and Roe v. Wade, the 1973 abortion rightscase. The collection broadens the historical treatment of thismovement, introducing activists from grassroots women's organizationsand accentuating the contributions of professionals—clergy,medical practitioners, and health educators—who establishednetworks and services that made free choice possible for somewomen even before state law extended     

F. S. Oliver, Alexander Hamilton, and the 'American Plan' for Resolving Britain's Constitutional Crises, 1903-1921

Frederick Scott Oliver was a Scottish businessman, writer, politicalpundit, and friend of many leading Conservatives. Distressedby the serious constitutional problems confronting Britain atthe turn of the century, he proposed solutions based on theideas and methods of the founders of the United States of Americain the late eighteenth century. These notions were set forthin Oliver's biography, Alexander Hamilton (1906), and helpedinspire the constitutional settlement brought by Milner's ‘kindergarten’in South Africa in 1910. Subsequent attempts by Oliver and hisRound Table associates, however, to implement this ‘AmericanPlan’ to resolve constitutional crises over Ireland justbefore and during the course of the First World War were largelyfutile. Austen Chamberlain and others failed to share Oliver'senthusiasm for such idealistic nostrums as constitutional conventionsand federalism as possible means to maintain unity within Britainand the empire. They were regarded simply as too American.     

Growth Cultures: the global bioeconomy and its bioregions * Philip Cooke

As a consequence of reviewing books for journals, I now readacknowledgements and prefaces with a degree of interest thatis perhaps unwarranted by normal standards, but which I havefound increasingly important when seeking to understand whathas inspired scholars in their work and how they develop theirideas. This is especially evident in Phil Cooke's new book GrowthCultures that brings together several years worth of researchon the bioeconomy—as the commercial exploitation of thelife sciences is now commonly defined. It is well worth readingthe preface to this volume to ground the rest of the book inthe evolving thinking about this important ‘industry’. Growth Cultures collects together in one volume much of Cooke'sprolific output from the late 1990s onwards     

Esse servitutis omnis impatientem/Man is impatient of all servitude: Human Dignity as a Path to Modernity in Ficino and Pico della Mirandola?

Abstract

The notion of human dignity stands at the core of contemporary debates on rights, politics, and ethics. Many scholars consider the Renaissance discourse on dignity as one of its main contributions to the transition from the Middle Ages to modernity. This article examines the role of human dignity in the philosophies of Marsilio Ficino and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. In their works human dignity relates both to freedom and to a Neo-Platonic ontology, which raises the question of how they reconcile these two possibly contradictory elements. I show that starting from the insight that human beings are “naturally” free and able to make right choices, Ficino and Pico argue that human dignity consists in the ability of humans to understand what is good and to act accordingly. I thus defend the thesis that their conception of human dignity is not modern because it liberates human beings from the “history of being” but rather because it paves the way for their liberation to become rational beings.     

'For a Genuine and Noble Nakedness'? German Naturism in the Third Reich

This essay, based on primary sources from the privately-runInternationale FKK-Bibliothek and a growing body of secondaryliterature, examines some of the myths and misconceptions regardingthe fate of naturism in the Third Reich. It shows that despiteGoering's decree of 3 March 1933, which described the ‘nakedculture movement’ as ‘one of the greatest dangersfor German culture and morality’, naturism did not cometo an abrupt halt after the Machtergreifung. While officialhistories of German naturism talk proudly of the movement's‘persecution’ and ‘non-violent resistance’,there was little concerted effort to close down naturist associationsor to arrest individual activists. In fact, without a definitiveorder from the Führer, Germany's naturists existed in asemi-legal limbo for much of the 1930s. Many National Socialistsregarded the clothes-free lifestyle with contempt, but therewere elements within the Nazi state—and particularly theSS—which could see significant benefits from celebrating‘the instinct for bodily nobility and its beauty in ourVolk’. A mutual desire to de-eroticize nudity helped cementthe bond between Heydrich, Himmler and naturist leaders. Asa result, German Freikörperkultur passed some of its mostimportant landmarks in the years of Nazi rule, including itsvery first book with photographs in full colour, a full-lengthfeature film, and a new, more permissive Bathing Law. Thus whileGeorge Mosse's Nationalism and Sexuality claims the Nazis ‘forbadenudism after their accession to power’, a closer examinationof the fate of naturism after 1933 reveals a more complex picture,which serves to highlight not only the limits of the régime'stotalitarian aspirations, but also the naturist movement's owndisparate and problematic heritage.     

Commerce before crusade? France, the Ottoman Empire and the Barbary pirates (1661-1669)

French and Islamic forces clashed with an unprecedented frequencyduring the first decade of Louis XIV's personal rule. This articleexamines France's troubled relations with the Ottoman Empireand the Barbary States in the 1660s, with the aim of sheddinglight on the real motives of Louis XIV in sending his forcesagainst those of the ‘Infidel’. It finds that farfrom having a single policy towards their Muslim neighboursin the Mediterranean, the French government's behaviour wasin fact characterized by chronic inconsistency. In essence,French strategy was driven by the Bourbon government's long-termobjective of developing commerce in the eastern and southernMediterranean, but this programme of commercial expansion wasfrustrated—and repeatedly jeopardized—by issuesof power politics, in particular the king's avid pursuit ofprestige and personal gloire.     

'Pomorze' or 'Preussen'? Polish Perspectives on Early Modern Prussian History

The attitudes of Polish historical scholarship towards the historyof early modern Prussia has been deeply marked by the partitionsof Poland and the anti-Polish coalition between Prussia, Russiaand Austria, which denied Poland its own statehood for wellover a century. In contrast to nineteenth-century German ‘Landesgeschichte’,which focused on local research and archival resources, historiansfrom Poland have usually opted to stay more within patternsof national history-writing. When the Polish state was reconstitutedafter the First World War, hostilities built up between Germanand Polish historical schools on Prussia, expressed in the NationalDemocratic-influenced myl zachodnia (Western thought) on thePolish side, and a not less expansionist Ostforschung on theother side of the border. It was only after the catastropheof the Second World War, the redrawing of national borders ineast central Europe, and under the influence of Marxist historicalconcepts in the People's Republic of Poland that nationalistapproaches as well as the ‘black legend’ of thePrussia's past were temporarily suppressed and finally replacedby a more research-led scholarship. During the second half ofthe twentieth century, Polish historiography was in fact muchquicker and more thorough than its German counterpart to forgethe history of Prussia into a major academic subject. Sincethe 1980s, if not earlier, an extremely fruitful dialogue hasdeveloped between scholars—a dialogue which does not alwayspenetrate journalistic and public awareness, as recent polemicssurrounding the controversially planned ‘Centre for Expulsions’in Berlin have shown.     

From Barbarism to Religion: Church History and the Enlightened Narrative in Germany

The subject of this essay is the historical vision of the GermanCatholic Enlightenment as seen in the work of Michael IgnazSchmidt, a Catholic priest and author of the eleven-volume Historyof the Germans (1778–1793). A proper acknowledgement ofSchmidt's career helps us revise the standard account of Germanhistoricism and historical practice in the eighteenth century,and also sheds light on the place of religion in the GermanEnlightenment. Schmidt wrote a thoroughly modern ‘historyof manners’ that was indebted both to Voltaire and toRobertson. Yet his work passed into obscurity largely becausehe focused on the Holy Roman Empire and the Imperial Church—thetwo great casualties of the Napoleonic passage. Schmidt's viewof the Reformation, and, more importantly, of the history ofthe pre-Reformation German national Church, stands out in theprominence it assigns the Church as part of the history of thedevelopment of German manners. Schmidt's account throws intoquestion the common view in the history of the German ‘nation’that Germany could not be accorded the normal attributes ofa state and existed only as a ‘cultural nation’.The essay addresses the German problem of bi-confessionalism,and Schmidt's awareness of developments in Protestant theologyin the eighteenth century. While this paper does not try todeal comprehensively with all these issues, the essay showshow the agenda of reformist religion, national history, andthe Enlightened vision of Europe's Christian past coalescedin this unjustly forgotten work.     

Cosmopolitanism as Nihilism: Rousseau's Study of Paris

Today's cosmopolitanism and its ideal of the global citizen is an attempt to bring together the universality of philosophy with the dedication of politics, and more precisely the freedom of the mind with political freedom. This attempted synthesis was also attempted in the eighteenth century by the French philosophes and was examined most carefully and comprehensively by Rousseau. His First Discourse outlines the deficiencies of cosmopolitanism and attempts to reestablish the conflict between philosophy and politics, but it is in his romantic novel Julie that he treats cosmopolitanism most exhaustively as a way of life and as a social order. There he argues that cosmopolitanism is really just a prejudice of metropolises and that its ideal is only a reflection of the ruling element—the gynaecocracy. Ultimately, cosmopolitans are neither philosophers nor citizens and their attempt to be both means that they are nothing at all.     

Agents of casualization? The temporary staffing industry and labour market restructuring in Australia

This article presents a study of the Australian temporary staffingindustry. It explores how temporary staffing markets are manufacturedthrough the interactions between industrial relations and regulatorysystems, on the one hand, and the structures and strategiesof domestic and transnational temporary staffing agencies onthe other. The article draws on secondary datasets and semi-structuredinterviews with government departments, labour unions, staffingagencies and their trade bodies to analyse the size, structureand characteristics of the Australian temporary staffing market.It argues that the Australian market differs in important waysfrom those other ‘neoliberal’ labour market regimes—suchas those in Canada, UK and USA—with which it is oftencompared. The article argues for an approach that seeks to explorethe (often gradual) mutual transformation of temporary staffingorganizations and the institutional and regulatory systems inwhich they are embedded, rather than privileging one at theexpense of the other.     

The British Isles and Great Moravia in the early middle ages

The work of the Irish or Iro-Scottish missioneries on the continent of Europe in the sixth to eighth centuries is well known. An attempt is made here to show how the characteristic design of early Celtic churches found its way partly via Bavaria, where for example the Irishman Virgil became bishop of Salzburg in the mid-eight century, into Moravia, along with other Iro-Scottish cultural influences, a century or so before the well-known Christianizing mission launched into that area from Byzantium by the two brothers SS Cyril and Methodius, in 863.     

Postcolonial Archaeologies in Africa: Breaking the Silence

Postcolonial archaeologies in Africa are engaged in a variety of agendas including the decolonization of everyday practices in the field and in the classroom. Postcolonial theory, concerned with issues of power and the Other, is increasingly being invoked to examine how archaeologists conduct their field research and how archaeology is used to dismantle essentialized histories—the metanarratives that arose in the colonial as well as the postcolonial era. Easily misunderstood, however, is the passion expressed by some African archaeologists who are voicing their own views while simultaneously trying to free themselves from dominating “expert” voices. These occurrences create tensions in archaeological discourse that are a natural part of decolonizing archaeology, joining other forms of disenchantment, particularly the disenchantments arising in contemporary African communities about social services, civil society, and human rights. Archaeologists are also implicated in disenchantments as they conduct investigations in the midst of people who may be without water or are suffering from HIV/AIDS—conditions that starkly contrast with their own comfortable lives. We may also need to reconsider how to deal with states that see archaeological research as contrary to nation building. This essay responds to some current misunderstandings that have arisen over these and related issues.