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This guest editorial looks at Burma's national elections that have the promise of radically changing Burma's government after over half a century of military rule.  相似文献   

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The ‘constitutional revolution’ which occurred in Ireland after 1691 meant that parliamentary management became one of the prime functions of the viceroyalty. Interest focused on the Commons, where supply legislation was drafted. But the upper House, though smaller, less busy, and on the whole more easily managed, could not be ignored, since it could still cause major problems for government. The situation for the incoming ministers in 1714 was problematic, since the Lords had been a tory stronghold, and the ‘Church party’, buttressed by the bishops, remained powerful. The situation was a mirror image of Westminster in 1710, when Robert Harley's tory ministry had to cope with a whig-dominated house of lords. This essay analyses the means by which Lord Lieutenant Sunderland (1714–15), and his successors, Lords Justices Grafton and Galway, brought the Irish upper House under control, constructing a court party with some of the elements which Clyve Jones has identified as having been crucial to Harley's strategy in 1710–14: moderate or non-party men, pensioners and placemen depending on government largess, new episcopal appointments and a block creation of peerages. In Ireland it was the new peers who played the most important part. The whigs were able to make some inroads into the episcopal bench, previously a stronghold of toryism, until the issue of relief for dissenters rekindled anxiety over the maintenance of the ecclesiastical establishment, prefiguring future problems.  相似文献   

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民国议会史研究述评   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
薛恒 《近代史研究》2004,(3):270-290
民国议会制是辛亥革命以后中国政治制度“承百代之流,而会乎当今之变”的主要创新之一。民国议会的建立及其运行不仅标示着民国时期中国人在建立现代国家的努力中民主政治发展的程  相似文献   

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Due to the concentration of Australian Labor Party voters, that party has to poll more votes than the Liberal and National Parties to win an election. That is not a gerrymander, for no matter how fairly the boundaries were drawn, Labor would still need to poll more votes than its opponents under the preferential, single‐member constituency voting system. Nevertheless, even under perfectly fair electoral redistributions, Labor is bound to come off worst because Labor voters are more highly concentrated than non‐Labor voters.  相似文献   

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Thailand's political turmoil, evident after the December 2007 elections, is more than the sparks of ordinary conflict between rival elites seeking access to state power. The struggle has become not just about state capture, but also about who gets to determine the most fundamental questions relating to political order – the rules of the game. This article offers a critical interpretation of a decade of Thai politics, with the focus on the 2007 election and its aftermath. It examines debates about democracy, considers the position of the Thai monarchy and reflects on the regional implications of the Thai crisis.

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本文①认为,以色列虽实行西方式的议会民主制,但其选举制度与英、美等西方国家相去甚远,特点鲜明。以色列议会选举采用单一选区比例代表制度,即全国为一个选区,以政党或集团为单位参加竞选,然后根据各党派在全国范围所得总票数,按比例分配议席。其结果是,各政党或联盟从未获得单独组阁所需半数以上的议席(61席),均不能单独组阁,必须组成联合政府。以色列议会选举制是造成国内党派滋生和政坛混乱的主要根源,它为代表少数人利益的小党充斥以色列政坛提供契机,中小党派的"剩余能量"和"超常影响力"又激励了中小党派的产生,导致恶性循环。  相似文献   

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This article analyses Algeria's ongoing 'civil war' through the lens of contemporary Algerian theatre. Specifically, it examines the relationship between Algeria's unsuccessful transition to democratic, religious pluralism and Alek Baylee Toumi's 1996 play, Madah-Sartre . Among the prominent themes covered are the issues of gender equality as represented in the efforts of Khalida Messaoudi (Toumi's sister) to resist the 1984 Algerian Family Code; the rise of Islamic radicalism; the legacy of the philosophy of Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir within contemporary Algerian intellectual and political communities; the problem of Islamic and state-sponsored terrorism; and the effects of the Islamic radicals' policies of assassinating Algerian intellectuals on the Algerian community in the diaspora.  相似文献   

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