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1.
Marit S. Haugen Berit Brandth Gro Follo 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2015,22(1):37-49
Despite the rising divorce rate among farm families in Norway, surprisingly little research has examined these break-ups. Drawing on interviews with farm women whose marital or cohabiting relationships broke down, we explore the contradictions between individualization and the moral responsibility embedded in the patriarchal discourse of the family farm. We ask whether farm family dissolution represents a break with patriarchal ideology and practice, and thus threatens the survival of the family farm. A key finding is the struggle to balance establishing new lives for themselves with meeting their felt obligations to the farm. None of the women exercised their full legal rights if they worried that it might destroy the farm business. By ensuring the survival of the farm and the well-being of their children, the women's handling of divorce conforms to cultural conventions and protects the family farm. 相似文献
2.
Internationally, the gender relations of the family farming ‘way of life’ have been shown to be stubbornly persistent in their adherence to patriarchal inheritance practices. This article demonstrates how such ‘agri-cultural’ practices are situated both within the subjective sphere of farming individuals’ and within global agri-economics, bringing new challenges to patrilineal farm survival. It is suggested here that the recent tendency for post-structuralist theorisation in rural studies has underestimated the existence and impact of patrilineal patterns in family farming. Such patterns mean that women are shown to largely occupy relational gender identities as the ‘helper’, whilst men are strongly identified as the ‘farmer’. Drawing on repeated life-history interviews conducted with farming men and women from Powys, Mid Wales, the aim of this article is to generate debate as to the extent to which men can be brought into feminist research practice in order to reveal patriarchy to a greater degree. The article begins by situating the near-exclusion of men from feminist research practice within theoretical developments in feminist geography. This discussion also assists in deriving issues of research methods, positionality and interpretive power which focus the integration of empirical material in the methodological reflections provided in section three. In section two, the rationale for the epistemological stance taken in the research is provided. The article provides an example of the successful integration of men into a feminist research frame, suggests avenues for theoretical development and identifies future research directions which can be informed by ‘doing it with men’. 相似文献
3.
Nozomi Kawarazuka Catherine Locke Janet Seeley 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2019,26(3):384-404
Gender analysts have long recognised that challenging existing patriarchal structures involves risks for women, who may lose both long-term support and protection from kin. However, understanding the specific ways in which they ‘bargain with patriarchy’ in particular contexts is relatively poorly understood. We focus on a Mijikenda fishing community in coastal Kenya to explore contradictions in gendered power relations and how women deploy these to reinterpret gendered practices without directly challenging local patriarchal structures. We argue that a more complex understanding of women’s creative agency can reveal both the value to women of culturally-specific gendered roles and responsibilities and the importance of subtle changes that they are able to negotiate in these. With reference to food provisioning, the analysis contributes to more nuanced understandings of gendered household food security and women’s creative approaches to maintaining long-term security in their lives. 相似文献
4.
激进女权主义以父权制为理论核心,为私人空间内发生的女性被害提供了直接的解释。然而,父权制却无法对公共空间内存在的被害性别差异提供完备的解释。基于女权主义犯罪学、日常活动理论和时间地理学,本文从整合的视角,以父权制作为结构性起点,以劳动分工和女性对犯罪的恐惧为中间环节,以女性日常活动中时空约制对其被害风险的影响为落脚点,阐释了公共空间内犯罪被害性别差异的原因。最后总结了本文的解释思路,并为进一步促进我国犯罪地理学发展提出了一些建议。 相似文献
5.
This study focuses on two marginalized groups in Chinese society: 27-years old (or older) ‘left-over’ (never-married) women and divorced women. Both these kinds of women are subject to discrimination and ridicule by the mass media and even their own families. This essay argues that despite the economic prosperity China has enjoyed over the last thirty years, gender relations in the country are rooted in a patriarchal discourse that reveals a hybridity of old and new ideals – family responsibility and individual self-fulfillment – in which the pursuit of love and marital commitment cannot be divorced from larger social-cultural-economic structures that endorse intergenerational responsibility and obligation, as well as promote gender inequality in the home and workplace. For these two groups of ostracized women, romance with foreign men may seem an alternative to the constraints of this structural framework. Drawing from a pool of evidence, published interviews, media reports, and printed ethnographic studies, this study analyzes the predicaments of leftover and divorced women, the interactions between these women and foreign men, and what their experiences with these men say about gender and racial differences in relation to gender inequality. 相似文献
6.
The influence of state architecture on gender policy and politics is an emergent strand of feminist research. This paper contributes to this research by undertaking a detailed case study of one specific gender policy area – domestic violence policy – in old federation Australia. Drawing on the experiences of the past decade, it confirms earlier research findings that demonstrate that under certain conditions, federal structures can influence the development of gender policy in positive ways, such as providing opportunities for ‘venue shopping’ and policy innovation. The paper engages, too, with recent research on Australian federalism and challenges the consensus about the centralised nature of the Australian federal system by demonstrating that in the area of gender policy, states and territories are more than just the implementation arms of the Commonwealth government. Sub-national governments continue to play an important and autonomous role in policy relating to women and therefore remain central sites for advancing gender equality. 相似文献
7.
Quanhong Zheng 《Frontiers of History in China》2009,4(1):74-106
Family division is the way of reproduction of Chinese families and the starting point of building new families. Reasons of
family division in the Republic of China include bad terms among sisters-in-law, among brothers, between father and sons,
between mother-in-law and daughters-in-law, or working outside. There are three patterns of family division: one-time thorough
division, serial division, and special types of division. The circumstances of family division include: inheritance while
parents are alive or after their death; equal inheritance among brothers hosted by their uncle (mother’s brother), inheritance
rights attributed to the eldest son or grandson, and special principles of property distribution. The rite of family division
is quite solemn; documents of family division definitely need to be made with specific regulations. There are three ways of
supporting for the eldly, among which leaving some land to parents is popularly adopted in rural China during the Republic
period.
Translated into English by Luo Hui 相似文献
8.
Gill Valentine Lucy Jackson Lucy Mayblin 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2014,21(4):401-414
Recent developments in feminism, charted in Gender, Place and Culture over the past 21 years, have stressed the relational, differentiated and contested nature of gender. This has led to the rejection of the unified category women, and with this the right for feminism to make claims on behalf of all women. This paper argues that an unintended consequence of this development in ways of thinking about gender is that patriarchy as a form of power relations has become relatively neglected. It draws on research from a European Research Council project (including biographical interviews and case studies of a gym and workplace) to demonstrate that while the development of equality legislation has contained the public expression of the most blatant forms of gender prejudice, sexism persists and is manifest in subtle ways. As a consequence, it can be difficult to name and challenge with the effect that patriarchy as a power structure which systematically (re)produces gender inequalities,is obscured by its ordinariness. Rather, sexism appears only to be ‘seen’ when it affords the instantiation of other forms of prejudice, such as Islamophobia. As such, we argue that Gender, Place and Culture has a responsibility going forward to make sexism as a particular form of prejudice more visible, while also exposing the complexity and fluidity of its intersectional relationship to other forms of oppression and social categories. 相似文献
9.
旅游发展对云南世居父权制少数民族妇女社会性别观念的影响——基于撒尼、傣和哈尼三民族案例的比较研究 总被引:4,自引:1,他引:3
以撒尼、傣和哈尼三个父权制少数民族为研究对象,以曼春满、曼乍与曼嘎俭村、五棵树与月湖村、箐口和大鱼塘村为案例地,通过问卷调查和深度访谈,对发展旅游村寨和未发展旅游村寨妇女的社会性别观念进行横纵向对比分析,探讨旅游发展对云南世居父权制少数民族妇女社会性别观念的影响。研究认为:旅游发展对云南世居少数民族妇女社会性别观念产生了全面而深刻的影响,旅游带来的社会文化的交融,少数民族妇女主体意识和自立能力的增强,不断建构起男女平等的现代社会性别观念。研究将有利于少数民族社区和谐社会的建设,并对男女平等国策的实现有着重要的现实意义。 相似文献
10.
This article examines the nuances of the ‘farming ladder’ through a case study of the Duffin farming family. It explores the circumstances in which they flourished and faltered; the internal and external determinants affecting their ability to maintain a grip on the ‘farming ladder’; and the fluidity of the ladder. Drawing upon the personal archive of the family and complementary sources, the variable position of the family on the ‘farming ladder’ as they progress from agricultural labourers to farmers and then back to labourers is charted within wider historical and geographical frameworks. The social and spatial relationships forged are identified as being particularly important in the operation of the ‘farming ladder’. 相似文献
11.
王秀惠 《华侨华人历史研究》2005,5(3):50-65
美国自快速工业化后,男性白人因失去手工业时代的支配地位而对外来移民和少数族群采取仇视的态度,将男性华人视如女性而置之于权力边缘。美国华人可说是在性别分化的机制运作之下,经历了种族歧视。男性华人尝试藉由抗争罢工、司法诉讼等方式争取尊严,这些行动虽然不一定都产生了良好效果,但从中我们可以看到美国华人男性气概的形成过程。本文主要以现存美国本土华人研究的二手资料为基础,以性别为关注点,力图重新给男性华人以不同的定位,从而使美国华人的研究更加完整。 相似文献
12.
Leonie Cox 《Oceania; a journal devoted to the study of the native peoples of Australia, New Guinea, and the Islands of the Pacific》2010,80(3):241-261
ABSTRACT This is the second part of a paper that explores a range of magico‐religious experiences such as immaterial voices and visions, in terms of local cultural, moral and socio‐political circumstances in an Aboriginal town in rural Queensland. This part of the paper explores the political and cultural symbolism and meaning of suicide. It charts the saliency of suicide amongst two groups of kin and cohorts and the social meaningfulness and problematic of the voices and visions in relation to suicide, to identity and family forms and to funerals and a heavily drinking lifestyle. I argue that voices and visions are used to reinterpret social experience and to establish meaning and that tragically suicide evokes connectivity rather than anomie and here cannot be understood merely as an individualistic act or evidence of individual pathology. Rather it is about transformation and crossing a threshold to join an enduring domain of Aboriginality. In this life world, where family is the highest social value and where a relational view of persons holds sway, the individualistic practice of psychiatric and other helping professions, is a considerable problem. 相似文献
13.
家庭是形成性别关系最小的基本单位,在近代早期,英国社会中的性别关系在家庭中得到明显的体现。结婚后,丈夫和妻子为了建立一个独立的新家而共同协作,劳动的性别分工基本遵循男主外、女主内的模式,各个阶层的妇女都要为家庭经济作贡献,但这并没有改变其地位卑微的状况,“男尊女卑”、“男主女从”仍然是这一时期家庭中的常态。 相似文献
14.
This article examines the gender undertone of China's nationalist discourses, especially in familial metaphors of nationalism, and how such an undertone shapes people's understandings of state authority and state-citizen relations. Conventional nationalist discourse of the ‘motherland’ evokes the image of an insulted and raped mother as the symbol of national humiliation and calls for actions from patriots (masculinised in the discourse). In recent years, however, we have seen the emergence of a new discourse that depicts the nation-state as a rich, powerful and masculine ‘daddy’. Using discourse analysis and Foucauldian genealogical methods, this article argues that the discursive development has to be analysed against China's historical backgrounds, especially considering new standards of masculinity and femininity in the era of economic reform. Capital is equated to masculinity and righteousness, whereas femininity is shaped by the middle-class values of consumerism and political disengagement. The ‘daddy state’ discourse conjures strong paternalistic power from China's economic capacity that can be projected onto challengers of state authority, while also constructing the nationalist public as feminised consumers whose consumerist enjoyment relies on patriarchal state protection. 相似文献
15.
Blair Williams 《Australian journal of political science》2017,52(4):550-564
In contemporary Australian politics, challenges to the Prime Ministerial role have become more common. Australia saw five Prime Ministers from 2010 to 2015 including Australia’s first ever woman Prime Minister, Julia Gillard. A stark contrast is evident in media portrayals of Gillard and her male counterparts, apparent most recently in the response to Malcolm Turnbull’s ascension to the Prime Ministership. A range of evidence has been produced, in disciplines including political science and media studies, suggesting the existence of systemic gender bias in the mainstream media in English-speaking democracies. This article is the first to compare the media portrayals of Gillard and Turnbull’s respective ascensions to leadership, which it does drawing on Judith Butler’s concept of gender performativity and using a content and discourse analysis. It contributes further evidence of gender bias in the coverage of political leaders. 相似文献
16.
This article examines the public discourse that emerged in the aftermath of the 2011 decision of the Federal Court of Australia in Eatock v Bolt. We characterise the narrative of ‘the Bolt case’ as a ‘mobilising discourse’ that countered rather than echoed the decision itself. This discourse had three main messages: encouraging scepticism about the authenticity of fair-skinned Aboriginal persons and judgment by non-Aboriginal persons about the legitimacy of Aboriginal identity according to skin colour; questioning the legitimacy of racial vilification laws and strengthening a libertarian conception of freedom of speech. We explain how such a contrary discourse became dominant in the wake of a successful racial vilification action and consider the implications of these events.
本文研究了2011年澳大利亚联邦法庭就伊脱克诉博尔特案做出判决后的公众议论。博尔特案的叙事属于“动员话语”,是对判决的反弹而非反响。该话语主要包括三个信息:鼓励对浅肤色原住人士的真实性的质疑,鼓励由非原住人士根据肤色判定原住民身份的合法性;质疑种族诽谤法的合理性;支持言论自由的观念。笔者解释了何以这种矛盾的话语盛行于一次成功的种族诽谤行动之后,并讨论了这些事件的影响。 相似文献
17.
ABSTRACTGender balance in political representation is an important goal of governments. In this paper, we ask: Do voters judge female politicians less favourably than male politicians, when given an otherwise identical set of information about their backgrounds? We employ an innovative online experiment (N?=?1933) to measure Australians’ attitudes towards female politicians and examine a series of hypotheses. We find voters see female candidates as more capable and are more likely to vote for them, but they are less likely to expect them to win. Female candidates are seen as more capable in their military and healthcare roles, but gender is perceived to be a major barrier to a female candidate’s success. Women and those aligning with the Labor/Green parties are more supportive of a female candidate, but we find limited evidence that those aligning with the Liberal/Nationals are openly hostile to a female candidate. 相似文献
18.
Mark Riley 《Children's Geographies》2009,7(3):245-260
This article contributes to knowledge of children's geographies by considering the micro-geographies and associated identities of children on family farms. Through focussing on farm practices, and drawing on evidence from the Peak District (UK) it examines how farm children are placed within, and ostensibly adhere to, discourses of the family farm. It moves on to investigate how such identities are far from static and explores the discursive strategies taken by children in shaping their own identities and forging new trajectories as the often pivotal ‘next link in the chain’ on these farms. 相似文献
19.
This article attempts to describe the gender dimensions and aspects of agrarian transition/transformation in post-socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe with a focus on family farms. This farming model is characterised by a conflation of labour, land, capital, management and human bonding and was promoted by the privatisation policy of post-socialist restructuring. Several problems of the new family farms are looked at with a gender perspective, singling out ideological, social and economic parameters. 相似文献
20.
‘Oh motherland I pledge to thee …’: a study into nationalism,gender and the representation of an imagined family within national anthems
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Oliver Lauenstein Jeffrey S. Murer Margarete Boos Stephen Reicher 《Nations & Nationalism》2015,21(2):309-329
In this paper, we argue that beyond understanding nations as imagined communities, the metaphor of an ‘imagined family’ or ‘filial community’ is a more useful concept towards understanding links between gender and nationhood as family relations in four ways: (1) providing a clear, hierarchical structure; (2) prescribing social roles and responsibilities; (3) being linked to positive affective connotations; and (4) reifying social phenomena as biologically determined. In order to empirically substantiate our claim, we will explore the prevalence and use of family metaphors in a key symbol of nationhood discourses. Through a qualitative analysis of national anthems as ‘mnemonics of national identity’, we demonstrate the widespread presence of family metaphors, discussing how they reproduce ideas of family and gender. Finally, we discuss how the ‘imagined family’ as present in anthems and other forms of national representation could inform future studies of nationalism and national politics. 相似文献