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This article examines the influence of the Biafran humanitarian crisis on British and Irish conceptions of the Third World. Drawing on evidence from non-government organizations (NGOs) in both countries, it argues that the explosion of non-governmental activity in this period, combined with the unprecedented attention afforded to the relief effort, crystallized a popular vision of the Third World that was rooted in western internationalism and the legacies of the imperial world. The model of humanitarian action pursued by Oxfam, Save the Children, Africa Concern and others transformed non-governmental actors into key mediators between the west and the Third World. Yet, this article argues, the image they presented and the tactics they pursued can only be understood as part of a broader adjustment to a decolonized world. From very different beginnings (British postcolonial responsibilities versus a strong anticolonial narrative in Ireland) considerable similarities emerged between British and Irish NGOs. The response to Biafra was an extension of the missionary and colonial service ethos, and generated a model of relief that privileged humanitarian action over local political and human agency. That paternalistic approach further reinforced traditional attitudes to the Third World through renewed emphases on donation, dependency, expatriate volunteers and western concepts of ‘needs’ and ‘development’. This article concludes, therefore, by arguing that Biafra played a vital role in the shift from imperial humanitarianism to neo-humanitarianism and the rise of liberal humanitarian governance. The vision of an inclusive ‘common humanity’ the NGOs espoused was in practice rooted in a very western understanding of humanitarian responsibilities and a very western image of the Third World.  相似文献   

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The Grandest Canyon in the WorldTheGrandestCanyonintheWorld¥byYangYichouFollowingnumerousinvestigationsandexpeditions,experts...  相似文献   

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Abstract

Over the past few years, there has been growing interdisciplinary interest in the history of European solidarity movements that mobilized on behalf of the ‘Third World’ in the wake of the post-war decolonization process. Focusing on European campaigns against the Vietnam War and Pinochet’s Chile, this article aims at positioning these international solidarity movements in the broader history of North–South and East–West exchanges and connections in Europe during the Cold War. It explores some key ideas, actors and alternative networks that have remained little studied in mainstream accounts and public memories, but which are key to understanding the development of transnational activism in Europe and its relevance to broader fields of research, such as the history of Communism, decolonization, human rights, the Cold War and European identity. It delves into the impact of East–West networks and the Communist ‘First World’ in the discovery of the Third World in Western Europe, analyses the role of Third World diplomacy in this process, and argues how East–West and North–South networks invested international solidarity campaigns on ‘global’ issues with ideas about Europe’s past and present. Together, these networks turned resistance against the Vietnam War, human-rights violations in Pinochet’s Chile, and other causes in the Third World into themes for détente and pan-European cooperation across the borders of the Iron Curtain, and made them a symbol to build a common identity between the decolonized world and Europe. What emerges from this analysis is both a critique of West-centred narratives, which are focused on anti-totalitarianism, as well as an invitation to take North–South and East–West contacts, as well as the role of European identities, more seriously in the international history of human rights and international solidarity.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Iran under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi embarked on one of the most ambitious nuclear programmes of any state in the 1970s. This decision was in part motivated by the zeitgeist surrounding nuclear energy in the 1970s that envisioned the transition from a petroleum- to plutonium-based economy. This decision, however, was soon followed by the Indian ‘Smiling Buddha’ peaceful nuclear explosion. This led the United States and other nuclear suppliers to strengthen restraints on nuclear exports. Many nuclear recipients, particularly in the Third World, objected to US-led changes to the nuclear non-proliferation regime, including the creation of the London Club (later renamed the Nuclear Suppliers Group). To address perceived shortcomings of nuclear suppliers in cooperation on the peaceful uses of nuclear technology, the Iranian nuclear leadership organized the Iran Conference on the Transfer of Nuclear Technology in April 1977. The Persepolis conference, as it came to be known, saw many nuclear suppliers, recipients and industry rally in opposition to US non-proliferation policy under President Jimmy Carter. However, following the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iran ceased to function as the lynchpin of this opposition to US policy, with the result that the coalition created at the Persepolis conference dissipated.  相似文献   

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Zongza Lhagyicannot forgetDecember 3,1999,When hereceived the entry certifi-cate from me London-based Guinness Book ofWorld Records while hewas in Shanghai.It reads:China Tibetan Cultural ArtColor Painting, the longest.measures 618 meters longand 2.3 meters wide.  相似文献   

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Giventheharshenvironmentatanelevationofover4,OOOmeters,especiallycoldandoxygenscarcitv,theOinrhai-TibetPlateauhassinceancienttimebeenvirtuallyinaccessible.Itisinsuchanenvironment,however,thatitsinhabitantshavecreatedabrilliantcivilization.Outofneedforsocialandeconomicdevelopment,itwasalsothepeopletherewhosoughtclosetieswithChina'shinterland.ThisexplainswhytheycanbepartoftheChinesenationtoday.ArchaeologistssaytheyhavefoundartifactsintheTibetPlateaushowingthetiesthatexistedbetweenTibetandth…  相似文献   

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Since its peaceful liberation, Tibet, at the roof of the world, has been keeping abreast with the motherland to constantly renew its progress.  相似文献   

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Two noted British economists survey a range of issues linked to Russia’s forthcoming accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its implications for the Russian economy. They describe the far-reaching commitments Russia has undertaken in the realm of tariffs, non-tariff barriers, and openness to inward investment, identifying factors that tend both to support and challenge realization of these commitments. They follow with a brief historical account of the reasons why the accession process for Russia was so protracted and an assessment of the likely medium- and long-term economic impacts of accession for the country as well as for its particular regions and social groups. The arguments suggest that the likely direct impacts of accession will overall be modest (at least over the near- to medium-term), and focused in spheres in which a foreign presence may enhance the productivity of Russian firms in the domestic market (e.g., business services). Potentially, more substantial indirect benefits will largely depend on the scale and seriousness of domestic reform policies launched in support of WTO compliance (i.e., effects of accession on Russia’s political economy). Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: F130, F500, P330. 3 figures, 6 tables, 54 references.  相似文献   

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In the 1980s, the World Bank stepped up policy‐based lending, making loans conditional on government policy and institutional reforms in the borrower country. In 2002, policy‐based lending (or adjustment loans) accounted for 64 per cent of total commitments. Some critics have argued that conditionality has failed because borrowers do not comply with conditions, and that borrowers do not comply because donors do not enforce the conditions, due to their own institutional incentives to lend. Accordingly, they argue that conditionality should be abandoned in favour of selectivity, a strategy in which donors would lend to governments that already have good policies and institutions in place. This article reviews the evidence that has been offered for this ‘enforcement critique’ and finds that it is not sufficient to support the argument. Although the critique is often asserted, and although there is ample evidence of lending pressures, no studies have attempted to determine whether borrower non‐compliance is a serious problem, or whether Bank failures to enforce are the principal reason for the failure of borrowers to meet conditions; nor have any studies been carried out to show whether lending pressures are the main reason for the Bank's failure to enforce.  相似文献   

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In this article I discuss the likelihood of the Australian Greens being able to develop into a party that plays an equivalent ‘third party’ role in the Senate similar to that played by the Australian Democrats for most of their existence. My conclusion, based on attitudes underlying voting behaviour, is that they cannot afford to behave contrary to their position as part of a left-wing bloc without jeopardising a substantial part of their voter base.  相似文献   

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A Third Way?     
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AdiscussionmeetinqwasheldinLhasaonthemorningofJuly25tomarktheeighthanniversaryofthelaunchingofChina'sTibetAttendingthediscussionmeetingwereleadersoftheTibetAutonomousRegion,Radi,chairmanofthePeople'sCongressoftheTibetAutonomousReqion,deliveredaspeechatthe…  相似文献   

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A twentieth-century American historian claimed, in a posthumously published book, that Cecil Rhodes and Lord Milner plotted to take over the world by establishing secret societies, conniving with key British politicians, various lords of the realm and influential publicists. The Rhodes Scholarships are supposedly but one example of the long hand of their cabal. That both Rhodes and Milner favoured imperialism, and believed the world the better for inculcated British values, there can be no question. But were they conspiracists, as alleged? Or are the accusations based too much on suspicion and circumstantial evidence to be taken seriously?  相似文献   

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Using a number of archive sources concentrating on the Occupation years and the period just after the Liberation, this article throws light on the contribution of France to the ‘New World Order’, a concept normally thought of as ‘Anglo-Saxon’ or ‘Anglo-American’. Even in defeat, those looking forward to the reconstruction of France in the postwar period considered a number of approaches as to how a French state-oriented system would work in a world which would supposedly be dominated by American-style liberal capitalism.  相似文献   

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