简析美元贬值对美国经常项目逆差的改善机制

美国作为当今世界上一枝独秀的大国,在世界中有着举足轻重的位置,其货币美元在汇率方面的变化更是成为世界各国关注的焦点。在最近的30年,美元呈现持续贬值的现象,与此同时,美国的国际收支逆差也在不断扩大,本文建立在国际收支吸收分析法理论的基础上,分析美元贬值对于美国国际收支经常项目的影响。     

肯尼迪政府调节国际收支逆差的政策

肯尼迪在美国面临巨额国际收支逆差的背景下入主白宫。严重的逆差导致美国的黄金大量外流,引起西方世界对美元信用的置疑。因此,调节逆差成为肯尼迪政府的重要使命。肯尼迪政府调节逆差的政策主要体现在肯尼迪提交给国会的两份特别咨文中,即1961年2月6日的“黄金和国际收支逆差特别咨文”和1963年7月18日的“国际收支特别咨文”。以两份咨文为蓝本,有关部门展开了系列的开源节流行动。美国的逆差调节行动使美国政府内部和北约盟国间的斗争起伏跌宕,充分暴露出权力政治的实质。     

艾森豪威尔政府后期的国际收支困境与对策

艾森豪威尔政府后期,美国的国际收支陷入困境,黄金大量外流.为了改善国际收支,维护美元垄断地位,巩固美国的全球霸权,艾森豪威尔政府提出了一系列增加国际收入、降低国际支出的措施,其中最关键的是艾森豪威尔总统于1960年11月16日颁布的总统指令,该指令提出了撤回驻外军事人员家属等改善美国国际收支的措施.但是,由于现实的国际政治经济因素的束缚,艾森豪威尔政府调节国际收支的努力效果不佳.     

日本贸易与海外投资保险制度的特点

日本是当今世界贸易和海外投资强国。1990年其贸易额为509905亿美元,占世界贸易总额的8％;海外债权总额14000亿美元,居世界第一位;同年,国际收支顺差再创历史最高记录,超过1000亿美元大关。日本在贸易和海外投资方面取得如此巨大成绩,令世界瞩目。近年来.许多国家的学者纷纷探求其中奥秘。但至今日,从保险制度上分析日本贸易与海外     

试论日本产业空心化的若干问题

近年来,日本经济面临的形势发生一系列重大变化。特别是贸易收支顺差膨胀条件下的对外贸易摩擦加剧和日元升值条件下的资本输出空前扩大,等等。这些都给日本经济的稳定发展造成不良影响:国内投资和生产增长放慢,企业倒闭严重,失业加剧等问题的发生和发展,已构成日本经济和社会的不安因素。日本学术界也就势提出了所谓产业     

美国的利息平衡税及其效果和影响(1963-1974)

国际收支逆差困扰着20世纪50年代末至70年代初的美国历届政府.肯尼迪政府试图通过利息平衡税限制长期资本外流,以改善美国国际收支状况.约翰逊政府通过《利息平衡税法》将此税合法化、常态化.尼克松政府逐渐放宽对资本外流的管制,并于1974年中止利息平衡税.利息平衡税在扼制长期资本外流上取得了一定成效,但在改善美国整体国际收支状况上作用有限.利息平衡税在客观上促进了欧洲美元市场的繁荣,并促进欧洲货币市场的多元化发展.     

经常收支黑字大国的经济政策——改正不均衡的关键是什么

本年度日本的经济收支,实际上将达到400亿美元黑字。不应该肯定这样黑字不均衡的现状,为了解除国内的貯蓄过剩,现在必须扩大内需,以及对发展中国家进行援助和投资。扩大的黑字基准日本的经常收支,1983年度是240亿美元黑字。1984年度,黑字将由350亿美元上升为400亿美元。     

“米骚动”和日本媒体在其中所扮演的角色

正随着第一次世界大战所带来的景气,日本经济取得了飞速的发展。在贸易方面,出口额在战前的1913年为84500万日元,1919年达到了324000万日元,增长了约2.8倍;在此期间的进口额则由95100万日元增加到了290900万日元,增加了约2.1倍。整个外贸形势由入超变为了出超。此外,对外债务由1914年的19亿日元减为1920年的16亿日元;而同期的对外债权则由8.1亿日元增加到了43.7亿日元。日本一下子由债务国变成了债权国。大战期间日本的工业也取得了长足的发     

我国高额外汇储备的来源结构及成因分析

近些年来,我国外汇储备规模不断扩大,呈逐年上升趋势,特别是2000年以来增长更为迅速,这主要来源于三个方面:贸易顺差持续增加,国际收支顺差总规模不断扩大;越来越多的外商直接投资(FDI)流入中国;伴随着人民币升值,大量热钱以各种名目混入到经常项目和资本项目下不断涌入国内,引起我国外汇储备过度增长,并且加剧了人民币升值的压力。     

日本贸易自由化及经验借鉴

贸易自由化的推进必须根据其国情,与其经济发展程度相适应。贸易自由化步子过慢会使该国痛失经济发展的机遇,过快又会对该国不具有竞争力的产业造成冲击,从而影响其经济发展。因此,如何从本国国情出发,制定切实可行的贸易自由化计划就成为每个国家在实行贸易自由化之前首先应考虑的问题。为此,本文拟对日本推进贸易自由化的进程及其可借鉴的成功经验进行探讨和分析。一、日本贸易自由化的发展历程日本贸易自由化的发展经历了两个阶段：５０年代末到７０年代初,是贸易自由化的初始阶段,这一阶段的贸易自由化具有比较保守、防御和探索…     

The Tenpō-Era (1830–1844) Map of Matsumae-no-shima and the Institutionalization of Tokugawa Cartography

Japan’s early modern Tokugawa government (1603?1868) sponsored a series of projects of national mapping. The Matsumae family, ruling what is now Hokkaido, were loosely incorporated into these projects. It was only during the last of these, in the Tenpō era (1830?1848), that their lands were represented in the same manner as the rest of Japan because the central government made the final Matsumae-no-shima map. This article examines the production of this final official map of Japan’s north to argue that the Tokugawa’s institutional mapping made this region part of the nation through its own mapping framework, distinct from the cartographic forms with which national or imperial states are usually associated.     

Australia–Japan economic relations: ten years after the NARA Treaty

The NARA Treaty looked to a strengthened Australia–Japan relationship, which foreign ministers of both countries celebrated this year. Events of the mid 1980s, however, demonstrated how an adverse turn in economic circumstances can stress even a strong bilateral relationship. The two countries were then at opposite points in their economic cycles, Japan almost too successful, with the high yen putting pressure on Japan's export industries, steel in particular. Seeking to reduce costs, the steel mills transferred pressure to their Australian suppliers of coal and iron ore, through reductions in prices and volumes. This was unwelcome to an Australian government coping with a recession and worried about balance of payments and unemployment, and led to concerns about equal treatment. Although the minerals trade returned to normal relatively quickly, ambitious investment projects aimed at enhancing the economic relationship did not materialise.     

日本接受外来文化的基本特点及成因

日本历史上对外来文化的吸收从未间断,但对日本的历史进程产生过重大影响的外来文化及其承载主体,先后都成为日本挑战乃至攻击的对象。日本的对外认识彰显出一种从＂攘夷＂、＂师夷＂到＂制夷＂的逻辑,或者说呈现出从对峙、较量到接纳、学习,再到试图超越的变迁轨迹。日本是一个善于学习模仿的民族,同时也是一个不安分的民族。大国情结是日本对外认知和行动的内在驱动力,也是其历史上对外扩张侵略的主要动因。     

Elements of a theory of Ukrainian ethno‐national identities

Despite winning independence in 1991, Ukraine remains an amorphous society with a weak sense of national identity. One possible explanation is ‘late’ nation‐creation, but in this article emphasis is laid on a continuing plurality of identity projects and the legacy of the ‘failed’ identity‐building projects of the past. Ukraine’s most important distinguishing feature – the existence of a substantial middle ground between Ukrainian and Russian identities – has considerable capacity to resist the logic of consolidating statehood.     

Pop-culture diplomacy in Japan: soft power,nation branding and the question of ‘international cultural exchange’

This paper critically examines the development of what is known as ‘pop-culture diplomacy’ in Japan. In the postwar era, the country’s cultural diplomacy was propelled by the necessity to soften anti-Japan perceptions, notably in Southeast Asia. In the late 1980s, the popularity of Japanese media culture in Asia began to attract the attention of policy makers, while subsequent globalized practices of soft power and nation branding gave greater emphasis to the use of media culture to internationally enhance the image of the nation, which has meant the promotion of ‘pop-culture diplomacy’ and, more broadly, ‘Cool Japan’. It is argued that pop-culture diplomacy goes no further than a one-way projection and does not seriously engage with cross-border dialogue. The Japanese case also shows that pop-culture diplomacy hinders meaningful engagement with internal cultural diversity and suggests the necessity of taking domestic implications of cultural diplomacy seriously.     

日本信贷宽松货币政策及其有效性

本文以日本银行在2010年10月到2013年4月间所实施的货币政策作为研究对象,通过考察日本银行的资产负债表规模以及结构的变动,认为上述期间日本银行所实施的货币政策属于非传统货币政策中的信贷宽松货币政策。之后再基于事件研究法,通过考察日本银行货币政策公告以及相关的资产价格变动,定量地分析了日本银行所实施的信贷宽松货币政策对于国债市场产生了较为有效的刺激作用,而对股票市场和外汇市场作用不明显。     

How proactive? How pacifist? Charting Japan’s evolving defence posture

After 60 years maintaining Self-Defense Forces rather than a normal military, Japan is moving towards exercising collective self-defence, long restricted by interpretations of its 1945 Peace Constitution. The merits of Prime Minister Abe Shinzo's ‘proactive pacifism’ are intensely debated by those welcoming greater international contributions from Japan and others suspicious of Japanese ‘remilitarisation’. A nation’s defence posture can theoretically be hijacked by aggressive nationalists, shift to pacifist isolationism, or rely on non-military internationalism or multilateral security cooperation. This article assesses competing explanations about the post-war trajectory of Japan’s defence posture by charting variation in military doctrine and capabilities. The analysis finds that Tokyo has made incremental policy adjustments under domestic and international constraints, and is not aggressively remilitarising.     

AT THE ROOTS OF THE ‘FINLAND BOOM’

Finland enjoys a positive country image in Japan, where, reportedly, enthusiasm for things Finnish reached the state of a ‘boom’ during the 2000s–2010s. What is this positive visibility based on? To shed light on the foundations of Finland’s visibility in Japan, this article tracks Finland’s national imaging there from a historical perspective. Through an empirical study of Finnish diplomatic archives, the article looks beyond nation branding – the latest mode in the official promotion of states to foreign audiences – and opens a window into the past practices of Finland’s official promotion in the distant East Asian case. In the 1960s, the Press Bureau of Finland’s Foreign Ministry drafted an image policy to support Finland’s neutrality and to broaden the country’s interaction with the West. The policy was implemented through Finland’s embassies, and therefore Finland’s newly defined characteristics also became actively promoted in Tokyo. As a result of this intensification of Finnish public diplomacy in the Cold War, many of the modern aspects of Finland’s later nation branding in Japan were introduced. Of the redefined official autostereotype, cultural and commercial dimensions proved the easiest to promote, whereas its foreign political dimension was met with the most local contradiction.     

Japan’s Twin-Track Diplomacy during the Cambodian Conflict, 1979–84: A “Member of the West” Pursuing an Independent Foreign Policy 1

The Cambodian conflict and the increase of the Cold War tension following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan posed major challenges to Japan’s Southeast Asia policy but, contrary to what is claimed in the existing research, did not halt Tokyo’s efforts to promote peaceful coexistence between the countries of ASEAN and Indochina. Declassified documents and other primary sources show that through the adoption of a twin-track diplomatic line, Japan acted as an “Asian member of the West”, committing to the anti-Soviet alignment but at the same time continuing to pursue its regional objectives. By engaging Vietnam and striving for a “regional” solution to the Cambodian conflict, Japan followed an independent diplomatic line, eventually expanding its role in Southeast Asia beyond the economic dimension to security issues. In the end, Japan’s bridging efforts in Southeast Asia, envisioned by Prime Minister Fukuda in 1977, helped Tokyo to lay the foundation for its involvement in the mature stage of the Cambodian peace process after the late 1980s.