曲折中艰难前行——辛亥后社会长期动乱的困惑与思考

辛亥革命以后中国社会长期军阀割据、国家分裂、战争频仍、社会动乱的现实。让人们对革命的成果和意义感到困惑。然而纵观英、法、关、日诸国政治近代化的进程,元一例外都经历过曲折与反复。中国的政治近代化进程亦然。政治近代化是一个不断进步、发展、完善的过程。不可能一蹴而就;它必须有一个起点、开端,然后才有可能继续前进。中国的民主革命,从辛亥算起,到1949年真正意义上的近代民主革命任务的完成,为时近40年,这较之荚、法、美、目政治近代化所经历的反复与曲折、所经历的时间,并不为过。辛亥革命是中国政治近代化过程的起点和开端,没有辛玄革命,就没有中国政治近代化的进程。     

Between modernity and primitivity: Okinawan identity in relation to Japan and the South Pacific*

ABSTRACT. This article proposes that contemporary ethnic subjectivities are shaped by modernist discourses. Ethnographic material about a group of Okinawan fishermen who worked with Solomon Islanders from 1971 to 2000 is used to explore the effect on national identities of being perceived as modern, or primitive. Okinawa is an island group to the south of Japan that became part of the Japanese Empire in the 1870s. Since then Okinawa has been defined as primitive against modern Japan. Modernist discourse was one of the range of influences on relations between Okinawan fishermen and Solomon Islanders. Symbolically violent identifications of Okinawans as more modern than Solomon Islanders stymied efforts at grassroots cosmopolitanism. Insofar as perceptions of relative levels of modernness of ethnic groups act to rank them, modernism is therefore one of the factors at stake in competition between nationalisms and friction between ethnic groups.     

从北京,上海,广州等大城市形态转变的模式和过程中看中国的城市转变

新的城市和经济的发展正在改变着中国城市基本的自然形态和结构。在城市发展的过程当中,能折射出国家动态的经济,社会和政策条件的新的模式正逐渐取代了由浓厚的意识形态所形成的带有鉴别性的模式。论文提供了北京,上海和广州等大城市形态转变的模式和过程的分析。重点谈到了土地使用的专业化,交通循环和建筑的高度,规划的过程,城市的更新及房地产市场的私有化等问题。20世纪见证了,中国大城市外形和构造的戏剧性改变。中国城市国际化的趋势日趋明朗化。中国文化的独特性以及中国社会主义制度的独特性,表明了中国城市的将来仍然与众不同。     

论梁启超近代国家思想提出的内在逻辑——以《清议报》为中心

梁启超刊发于《清议报》的大量文、论,清楚展现了他提出近代国家思想的内在逻辑。戊戌政变发生后,梁启超被迫流亡日本,“效申包胥之哭”,乞师日英,终以失败告终。以此为契机,梁启超开始关注日英对华政策,充分认识到保全即瓜分的本质。而后,他以西方的近代国家思想为理论基础,果断提出依靠国民实现国家独立的全新命题,《清议报》遂成为梁启超输入并阐发近代国家思想的园地。但作为“康党”的“机关报”,《清议报》同时并存着保皇尊王与依靠国民两条不无紧张的独立路径,这既是其“党报”性质使然,也显示出该报的过渡特征。     

Uncorking the neoliberal bottle: neoliberal critique and urban change in China

Neoliberalism’s theoretical ascendancy within urban geography coincided with the rapid growth of scholarly attention to Chinese cities. Therefore, it is unsurprising that neoliberal causality has been a widely used tool for interpreting China’s spatial transformation. This paper critically reviews some of the most prominent debates on neoliberalism in the Chinese context. China’s Leninist political hierarchy and Dual Structure, crucial institutions for the management and regulation of society and economy under Mao, are now reduced to the quirks of “actually existing neoliberalism.” Neoliberal critique applied to China, however, fails to adequately explain China’s spatial development because it assigns causality for social and economic inequality to globalized processes of capital accumulation while ignoring the continued importance of Maoist institutions in China’s present-day political economy. Uncritical acceptance of neoliberalism’s explanatory power for spatial change has led to flawed and inaccurate portrayals of the development and future trajectories of Chinese cities, and misrepresents the sources of social injustice in Chinese society.     

Underplaying the ‘Okinawa card’: how Japan negotiates its alliance with the United States

The US military bases in the Japanese prefecture of Okinawa have long been a source of domestic political opposition to the US–Japan alliance. As an alliance management issue, the ongoing troubles surrounding the bases raise questions as to when and why states adopt particular bargaining strategies when dealing with allies. Why, for instance, has the Japanese government not made greater use of this ‘Okinawa card’ when negotiating alliance issues with the USA? Even though highlighting particular domestic problems as a part of a negotiating strategy (known as tying hands) should appeal to a weaker ally such as Japan, this article argues that in the Okinawan case the reverse has been true. Japan has generally, though not always, sought to minimise or downplay domestic opposition to its alliance agreements, essentially preferring a cutting-slack to a tying-hands approach. The Japanese experience suggests that when states which are directly dependent on an alliance for their security see their security environment as unstable, they view tying-hands strategies as too likely to undermine their bargaining credibility. Maintaining credibility is important in an alliance bargaining context because it is a way for such states to signal their commitment to an alliance and so guard against abandonment.     

日本池田内阁“一中一台”政策的出笼和破产

为解决经济高速增长导致的市场压力和国内政治稳定及安全保障等问题,20世纪60年代初日本池田勇人内阁组成后,以美国肯尼迪政权调整对华政策为契机,拟定了在使台湾分离于中国主权之外的同时和大陆发展政治关系以至复交的一中一台政策。但因美国的反对和阻挠,池田内阁以特殊方式施行该政策的尝试无果而终。     

中日实现经贸合作战略升级的区域环境

尽管中日两国关系内部的经贸合作关系与政治协作关系,在发展上长期处于不平衡、不协调的亚健康状态,但是中国从双边经贸合作的大局出发,一直在积极促进两国经贸关系与政治关系协调发展。这不仅是中国经济发展的内在需要,而且也是区域性外在作用的促进结果。值得一提的是,中日两国在亚太经济合作组织、东亚“10 3”合作机制、中日韩三国合作框架、中日俄三国利益关系的推进上,都有着广泛的合作基础与广阔的合作前景,从而在外部形成了中日两国经贸合作实现战略升级目标的区域促进环境,有利于双方在2008￣2010年间达到2 000亿美圆的经贸合作额度。     

中国对日邦交正常化战略的历史评析

通过对20世纪50～70年代初中国对外战略的历史考察,可以发现中国对日邦交正常化战略发挥了关键作用。中国政府在防止日本军国主义复活原则的基础上,首倡"以民促官"及"官民并举"的基本方针,提出正确对待历史问题并放弃战争赔偿,并采取"先美后日、以美促日"的外交战略于1972年实现了中日邦交正常化,取得了继中美发表《上海公报》后的又一外交胜利。虽然中国对日邦交正常化战略在实施过程中历经曲折,但它兼具现实性和灵活性,体现了以"和谐"为核心的政治文化,在中国外交史上占有重要地位。     

中日关系的回顾与展望

21世纪的中日两国存在着更直接的共同利益,作为发展中国家的大国中国和经济大国日本共为利益相关的东西邻国,这就是思考未来中日关系发展的出发点,无论从经济方面看,还是从政治方面看,“中国威胁论”都是不能成立的,在东亚一体化的过程中,中日两国责任重大,理应做出贡献,中日关系一定会发展得更好。     

六十年代中日民间贸易述略

60年代 ,中日之间建立了友好贸易和备忘录贸易两条民间贸易渠道。友好贸易 ,是中方出于中日友好的诚意 ,与承认政治三原则、主张中日友好的日本企业的贸易 ;备忘录贸易 ,是中日之间以备忘录的形式发展起来的贸易。友好贸易和备忘录贸易推动了 60年代中日民间贸易的进一步发展 ,有力地促进了中日关系的早日正常化 ,在中日关系史上具有极为重要的意义     

袁世凯对日外交述论

褒世凯一生以日本为主要外交对手,对日外交的成败也与其在政坛上的兴衰沉浮息息相关。驻朝时代,褒世凯与日本全面对抗;回国后至辛亥革命前。以日为师,并采取联英美以制日俄的对策;辛亥革命时期,面对日本的步步侵略,一面抵制,一面妥协。最后以外交及个人政治生涯完全失败而告终。     

Enacting power through networks

We argue here that processes of political centralization and hierarchy building can be profitably explored by focusing on how resources were strategically manipulated in search of power by people organized in social networks of varying sizes and spatial extents. Adopting this perspective encourages reconsideration of the ways in which such core concepts as structure, agency, and society can be redefined to cast new light on ancient power contests. In addition, we suggest that a network approach complements traditional emphases on processes of domination and resistance by drawing attention to the importance of alliances in shaping political formations. The potential utility of these precepts is illustrated in an example drawn from our research on Terminal Classic (800–1000 AD) political struggles in the Naco valley of northwestern Honduras. Special attention in this case centers on the manner in which craft products were manipulated by people of varying ranks to define and achieve goals as well as to control the actions of others. The study’s broader implications for the analysis of ancient political relations are highlighted at the essay’s conclusion.     

Impacts of Market Liberalization on Regulatory Network: A Longitudinal Analysis of the Swiss Telecommunications Sector

This article looks at the reconfiguration of the regulatory actors' network, as induced by the liberalization and reregulation processes in utility sectors. It investigates the changes in governance structures and patterns of collaborative ties between actors resulting from these processes. Applying stochastic actor‐oriented modeling (SAOM) to data on the liberalization of the Swiss telecommunications sector over two decades, we test whether and to what extent structural changes driven by liberalization and reregulation express themselves through network effects, that is, through changing patterns of interactions between political authorities, regulators, regulatees, and interest groups. Our empirical tests highlight a rearrangement of the regulatory network and a reorganization of relational patterns around new actors, such as the sector‐specific regulatory agency, coregulators, and new operators.     

战争期间日本妇女运动家市川房枝的政治转向

市川房枝是日本近代著名的妇女解放思想家,妇女运动的领导者,在战前和战后致力于日本妇女解放运动,但是曾因战争期间参加法西斯军国主义的战时体制,战后一度被解除公职,本文探讨的是1937年日本发动全面侵华战争时市川房枝的政治转向,即由争取妇女参政权运动转到为战时体制服务,在翼赞体制下号召和组织妇女支持侵略战争,并试图通过市川房枝为代表的妇女运动的转向,探求其转向的深层根源。     

Political hierarchies and landscapes of conflict across Africa

Almost all African states experience substantial and widespread political insecurity in a variety of forms. This analysis explains how relationships between groups and governments create incentives and disincentives for distinct forms of political violence to emerge. It argues that ethno-regional communities across Africa are situated within a power hierarchy that determines their relative importance to, and inclusion in, regimes. A dynamic power landscape emerges from relative group positions. Various positions within a hierarchy are associated with particular dominant forms of organized political violence as groups challenge political elites, but are bounded by their goals and characteristics. A failure to consider the political hierarchies and landscapes operating within African states has led to an under specification of the causal mechanisms driving different forms of violence, and an overstatement of benefits from declining civil war rates and inclusive governing coalitions.     

‘Buy and promote the national cause’: consumption,class formation and nationalism in Mandate Palestinian society1

ABSTRACT. This article deals with patterns of consumption and of advertisement, as a field for the analysis of two major processes in the Palestinian society of Mandate Palestine: the growth of an urban middle class and the consolidation of the Palestinian national movement. The advertisements, sampled from the popular daily paper Filastin, analysed in the context of political and economic events, highlight the complex interplay between nationalism and class formation, and the contradictory tensions between the two processes. A smaller sampling in al‐Difa' points to similar, though not identical, trends. This analysis also highlights new dimensions of the Jewish–Arab conflict by drawing attention to the semi‐private sphere of consumption which appears to have been less segregated than the more often studied political and economic spheres.     

日本近代初期渐进政治论的成因

明治政府认为日本最佳的近代化模式,就是天皇制中央集权导引下的政治渐进主义加上经济疾进主义。在渐进模式下所推行的政治改革,是明治政府为了顺利地、高效地推行富国强兵的近代化政策,营造一个安定团结的政治环境而所推行的体制变革,也是明治政府为重建统治合法性而作出的理性选择。     

Shifts in regional development of Estonia during the transition

The social and political developments of the last two centuries within the territory of the Republic of Estonia have shaped the present regional distribution of population and economy. Of all the social processes, special attention has to be drawn to the post‐World War II transition from an agricultural to an industrial society. This brought about intensive urbanization and led to the regional differences. At present, the process of transition to an information society exercises influence on social patterns. Of the political factors that have shaped the development of regional processes in Estonia, the politics of Russia (former Soviet Union) was the most influential. Estonia has been both directly involved and a separate political entity. Already for the second time the economy of the Republic of Estonia has had to reorient from the eastern markets to the western. This has also brought about sharp changes in the administration and development of the border regions, some of which have become backward. The regional economic development in Estonia today is mainly the combined result of the economic and social development of the Soviet era and the new processes that started with the transition period.     

幕末与明治时期日本人的上海认识——从高杉晋作的《游清五录》到远山景直的《上海》

对于幕末与明治时期的日本人而言,上海首先是中国的上海;同时上海也是世界、尤其是西洋的上海,租界区域出现了与此前的中国本土迥然相异的新的样态;再次是与日本紧密相关的上海,19世纪末期以后,在虹口一带形成了以日本居留民为主体的日本人社会。这样一个多元组合、多重叠加、既相对分离又互相交融、同时其经济政治文化的影响力日益凸显的都市,对于正在走向东亚乃至世界舞台的近代日本而言,无疑是一个巨大的存在,因此,这一时期日本人对于上海的认识,首先是对于以上海为媒介的中国的认识,其次是对于与上海相关的世界的认识,同时也是对于通过上海所体现出来的中日关系的认识因此,近代上海对于这一时期的日本人,实际上具有三层意义：观察中国的现场;透视世界的窗口;反观日本本身的泰照系,