Ethnohistorical geography and aboriginal rights litigation in Canada: memoir of an expert witness

Since the early 1950s, evidence from ethnohistorical geography has played an important role in aboriginal rights claims and litigation in North America. I became involved in Canadian aboriginal and treaty rights litigation over 35 years ago. My participation has included several landmark cases: Regina v. Horseman (treaty rights), Delgamuukw v. Regina (Comprehensive title claim), and Regina v. Powley (Métis rights). Most of the evidence that I have presented over the years has dealt with various aspects of the changing spatial economies of First Nations and Métis communities from Ontario to British Columbia. The Hudson's Bay Company's vast archive has been the primary source for this data.     

French radicalism through the eyes of John Stuart Mill

The paper attempts to highlight some under-researched aspects of the interaction between British and French radical political thinkers and activists during the period between the July Revolution of 1830 in France and the early years of the Third Republic. It focuses in particular on the decisive impact that the aftermath of the July Revolution of 1830 had for the perception of French politics by the most Francophile British radical, John Stuart Mill. In this context, Mill's astonishingly dense coverage of French affairs in The Examiner and the relation between that coverage and Mill's radical agenda at home are explored. The Revolution of February 1848 and the establishment of a Republic in France raised new hopes and led to a new round of Anglo-French radical co-operation and manifestations of fraternity. However, it was the frustration of the expectations raised by 1848 (fatally by the time of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's coup d’état in December 1851) that had the most profound effect on the perception of French radicalism outre-Manche. A detailed analysis of which French ‘radical’ parties, factions and personalities attracted Mill's sympathies and support from 1830 to the beginnings of the Third Republic is offered, along with the reasons why Mill was attracted by some of the people and factions in question and not by others. The paper winds up with a few comments on Mill's strenuous efforts to contribute to Anglo-French mutual understanding and fellow-feeling and his strategies to that effect.     

A Province Too Much Dependent on New England

The human geography of the Canadian Maritime provinces was transformed in the late eighteenth century; before 1775, the transformation proceeded largely under the sway of New England; after 1783 it was overwhelmingly the product of Loyalist settlement; by 1800 the region had 8 or 9 times the population of 1756, four colonial jurisdictions had been carved from the original Nova Scotia, and'its landscape, economy, and society revealed patterns that would persist into the twentieth century. This essay considers the evolving geography of the region during the first two, formative, decades of this period (1755–75). Focusing, in turn, on patterns of migration, the process of settlement, the structure of the regional economy, and the character of the landscape, it concludes that in the mid-1770s Nova Scotia was an economically marginal, commercially dependent, and politically vulnerable satellite of New England, heavily reliant on regular transfusions of British capital. A companion article - to appear in Volume 31 (no 4) of this journal — treats the last quarter of the century from a similar geographical perspective. A la fin du dix-huitième siècle la geographic humaine des provinces maritimes canadiennes fut I'objet de transformations, d'abord largement sous l'influence de la Nouvelle-Angleterre avant 1775; puis, aprés 1783, de facon prépondérante grâce à I'établissement des Loyalistes. Vers 1800, la population de la région s'était multipliée 8 ou 9 fois depuis 1756, I'ancienne Nouvelle-Ecosse avail été découpée en quatre terri-toires coloniaux et le paysage, I'économie et la société montraient les signes précurseurs de formes qui al-laient persister jusqu'au vingtième siècle. L'auteur de cet essai étudie cette évolution géographique de la region au cours des vingt premieres années (1755–75) de cette période qui iurent des années de formations.     

Une illustration des relations difficiles entre Paris et Londres: Le voyage des Français à Moscou et l'échec du projet britannique de pacte tripartite franco–anglo–soviétique (décembre 1944)1

L'échec du projet britannique de pacte tripartite franco–anglo–soviétique révèle quelques traits majeurs des relations entre la France et le Royaume-Uni au XXème siècle. Le premier est l'existence de divergences qui concernent davantage l'accessoire que l'essentiel. Si les deux pays sont d'accord pour considérer qu'une alliance entre Paris, Londres et Moscou est essentielle à l'équilibre européen, ils divergent sur la forme à lui donner, les Français préférant un système de pactes bilatéraux à la formule tripartite proposée par les Britanniques. En outre cet épisode se caractérise par une absence de consultation entre les deux diplomaties. Les incidents qui en découlent pourraient prêter à sourire s'ils n'étaient pas le signe d'un climat de suspicion réciproque. Celui-ci est d'ailleurs plus marqué à Paris qu'à Londres. Tous ces éléments participent aux difficiles relations franco–britanniques et expliquent qu'il ait fallu attendre le 4 mars 1947 pour voir l'alliance franco–britannique se matérialiser par le traité de Dunkerque.

Abstract:?The failure of the British project of a tripartite pact between France, Britain and the USSR exemplifies some of the main features of the Franco–British relationship in the twentieth century. The first is the existence of divergences, which concern more incidental details than essential matters. If the two countries agreed to consider that an alliance between Paris, London and Moscow was essential for European balance, they differed on the form it should take. The French preferred a bilateral pact system to the tripartite pact formula proposed by the British. Moreover, this episode was distinguished by an absence of consultation between the two diplomacies. The incidents that followed could be risible if there were not signs of a climate of mutual suspicion which was, incidentally, more distinct in Paris than in London. All these elements contributed to the difficult Franco–British relationship and explain why one had to wait until 4 March 1947 to see a Franco–British alliance realized by the Dunkirk Treaty.     

Québec et la géographie sociale en questions

Questioning Québec through social geography In the early 1960s, two revolutions were underway: the quiet revolution in Québec and the quantitative revolution in geography. Apparently unrelated, these episodes of change probably shared common underlying values associated with modernity. Since then, the transformations experienced in Québec have been interpreted in a multitude of ways, including geographical considerations. Research careers, mine included, have been shaped by this undertaking. All along, I have found that social geography, with the capacity it has to reinvent itself, has helped making sense of this turbulent environment. In the 1970s, exploring the structural dynamics of Canada's social space helped in figuring out the place occupied by Québec in this ensemble. Then, analyzing the historical relationships between cosmopolitan Montréal and provincial Québec City suggested that the oxymoron ‘quiet revolution’ stood for a central process in the cultural dynamics of Québec's social space, where new ideas arriving through Montréal are sifted and institutionalized by the state in Québec City. Nevertheless, Québec City is also capable of initiating progressive urban movements, as illustrated by the odyssey of the Rassemblement populaire de Québec, documented through participant observation. Such urban movements may affect the urban fabric but, as intense and creative social networks, they may affect even more their interacting members, as it seems to have been the case with regard to rapidly evolving gender relations during the last decades. All in all, after more than four decades, I keep the conviction that a practice of social geography that is open to various theories and methods is capable of producing liberating knowledge.     

Féministes tant qu’il le faudra! The multiple possibilities of francophone feminist geographies au Québec/Canada

Abstract

This article offers a brief overview of the development of francophone feminist geography in Canada. We begin by situating the review geographically, in order to explain our focus on francophone feminist geography produced in Québec. We then discuss the origins of feminist francophone geography in the 1980s, highlighting the central role of the student reading group, the Collectif de lecture sur l’espace et les femmes, that was formed during that period at l’Université Laval. Tracing the research trajectories of feminist geographical research since then, we argue that feminist geography has become more diverse, but ironically less visible. We conclude by highlighting the central role that graduate and undergraduate students play in pushing forward a feminist geography agenda as they demonstrate the importance of feminist politics era through their research and activism.     

A REGION OF SCATTERED SETTLEMENTS AND BOUNDED POSSIBILITIES: NORTHEASTERN AMERICA 1775–1800

The human geography of the Canadian Maritime provinces was transformed in the late eighteenth century; before 1775, the transformation proceeded largely under the sway of New England; after 1783 it was overwhelmingly the product of Loyalist settlement; by 1800 the region had 8 or 9 times its population of 1756, four colonial jurisdictions had been carved from the original Nova Scotia, and its landscape, economy, and society revealed patterns that would persist into the twentieth century. Following a companion article on the geography of pre-Revolutionary Nova Scotia (The Canadian Geographer 31:2), this essay considers the migration of Loyalists and others into the region, traces the development of settlements, and charts the patterns of economic development in Nova Scotia and its neighbouring colonies during the last quarter of the eighteenth century. The geography of the region in 1800 is described, and the economic, social, and geographical changes that shaped it in the late eighteenth century are seen to reflect broader patterns of North American development. A la fin du dix-huitième siècle, la géographic humaine des provinces maritimes canadiennes fut l'objet de transformations, d'abord largement sous l'influence de la Nouvelle-Angleterre avant 1775; puis, après 1781, grace à l'établissement des Loyalistes. En 1800, la population de la region a était multipliée 8 ou 9 fois depuis 1756, l'ancienne Nouvelle-Ecosse avait été découpée en quatre territoires coloniaux et le paysage, l'économie et la société montraient les signes précurseurs de formes qui allaient persister jusqu'au vingtième siècle. Cet essai, venant à la suite d'un article parallèle sur la géographic de la Nouvelle-Ecosse pré révolutionnaire paru dans le numéro 2, Vol 31, de Le Géographe canadien, traite de l'arrivée dans la region des Loyalistes et d'autres groupes. L'auteur retrace le développement du peuplement et décrit les différents aspects de l'évolution économique de la Nouvelle-Ecosse et des colonies avoisinantes au cours du dernier quart du dix-huitième siècle. Finalement, après avoir tracé le tableau de la géographic de la région en 1800, l'auteur conclut que les changements économiques, sociaux et géographiques qui l'ont marquéà la fin du dix-huitième siècle reflètent les caractéristiques plus générales du développement de l'Amérique du Nord.     

HUMANS, LAND, AND LANDSCAPE: A PROPOSAL FOR CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY

Four sources for the elaboration of a redefinition of culture and for the outlining of a revised method for cultural geography are examined: superorganicist and related ideas (White), symbolic and interactionist ideas (Geertz), institutional and interactionist views (Wagner), and symbolic interactionism and human ecology (Ericksen). These four are discussed within the broader context of human and land relations and of the evolution of cultural geography, especially the schools of Vidal and Sauer. Cultural geography emerged as a secondary interest within geography, despite compelling nineteenth-century input, but is now taking cognizance of an array of social science concepts. A focus on theory, on institutions and other groups, on communication, and on symboling helps both spatial and non-spatial behaviour to be understood as a consequence of group allegiance. The resulting cultural landscape can be interpreted both functionally and symbolically. En vue de redéfinir la culture et de réviser la méthodologie propre à la géographie culturelle, quatre approches sont examinées: les idées ‘superorganistes’ et celles qui s'y rapportent (White), les idées symboliques et les interactionistes (Geertz), les vues institutionnelles et interacionistes (Wagner), et l'interactionisme symbolique et l'écologie humaine (Ericksen). Ces quatre approches sont discutées dans le cadre plus large des relations en-tre les humains et la terre et de l'évolution de la géographie culturelle, particulièrement celui des écoles de Vidal et de Sauer, La géographie culturelle, qui ne présente qu'un intérêt secondaire a l'intérieur de la geographic, en dépit d'une importante contribution à la discipline au dix-neuvième siècle, emprunte maintenant une kyrielle de concepts aux sciences sociales. En insistant sur la théorie, sur les institutions et autres groupes, sur la communication et les symbols, il devient plus facile de comprendre le comportement spatial et non-spatial comme le résultat d'appartenance à un groupe. Le pays-age culturel produit peut être envisagéà la fois dans sa fonctionalité et sa symbolique.     

What France?

Cordellier, S. [et al.], L'Etat de la France 1992 (La Découverte, 1992), 635pp., 149F., ISBN 2 7071 2100 2

Kimmel, A., Vous avez dit France? Pour comprendre la société française actuelle (Hachette/CIEP, 1992), 191pp., 106F., ISBN 2 01 018890 X     

Digging in the Dark: The Underground War on the Western Front in World War I

Throughout the First World War, with the trenches largely static, the combatants tried to break the deadlock by tunnelling under one another’s trenches. The Tunnelling Companies of the British Royal Engineers were engaged in a bitter struggle against German Pioneers that left both sides with heavy casualties. A project to determine the location of one particular act of heroism in that underground war has resulted in the erection of a monument to the Tunnellers at Givenchy-lès-la-Bassée in northern France.     

Le postmoderne expliqué aux enfants. Correspondance 1982–85

In the early modern period, the European concept of “nobility” was rarely used to describe the upper classes of the societies born in the British or in the French Americas. The presence of French nobles in New France or in the French West Indies and the emergence of the native gentry in parts of the British Empire have been much studied. But the social impact of elites has not been fully recognized by Atlantic historians—due, perhaps, to a bias towards “authentically” New World systems of social recognition based upon wealth, emphasizing supposedly greater possibilities of social mobility. This paper takes a comparative perspective to the social meanings of being a noble or being a gentleman in both empires. It concludes that there were few substantive differences between French nobles living in the metropolis and in the colonies because legal definitions of the French noblesse were strictly determined by the Crown. The essence of the French nobility was, in theory, the same in Versailles, in a remote rural parish of France or in Quebec. The story was very different for British colonial gentlemen who encountered countless difficulties to be socially accepted by their metropolitan counterparts. The paper explores the consequences of the chasm between British metropolitan and colonial upper classes and assesses solutions taken by colonial gentlemen to be fully integrated in the gentry of Great Britain.     

The Political Transfer of English Parliamentary Rules in the French Assemblies (1789–1848)

France has often been perceived as the most resilient country to political transfers from abroad. This view does not withstand close scrutiny and political realities tell a different story. This article argues for a reinterpretation of the role of political transfers in modern French political life (since 1789). Through the study of the introduction of rules inspired by the British parliamentary system, this article seeks to show that transfers did take place and gave rise to controversy. The July Monarchy represents the best example. There was an effective transfer but the resistance to this transfer was also very effective. This resistance shows the structural specificity of the French parliamentary system. Political transfers are thus double edged: it is simultaneously an import into a system and a way of reorganizing the system that modifies the nature of the transfer (in this instance the ‘recipes’ of the British parliament).

Résumé La France a souvent été vue comme le pays du refus de toute importation politique venue de l'étranger. Mais, une telle idée appartient plus au monde des représentations (que les Français ont abondamment nourri) qu'au domaine de la réalité politique. Cet article plaide pour une réévaluation du rôle tenu par les transferts politiques dans la vie politique française moderne (à partir de 1789). A travers l'étude de l'introduction de règles inspirées du modèle parlementaire britannique, l'article tente de démontrer que les transferts ont été à la fois effectifs et sujets à de très fortes controverses. La période de la monarchie de Juillet, de ce point de vue, offre un exemple remarquable. Le transfert eut bien lieu (la publicité des votes principalement) mais la résistance opposée à ce transfert fut elle aussi très efficace. Cette résistance est un révélateur des spécificités structurelles du parlementarisme français. Un transfert politique se révèle donc ici ambivalent: il est à la fois un phénomène d'importation à l'intérieur d'un système d'accueil (ici, la monarchie de Juillet) et une forme de recomposition de ce système qui vient modifier à son tour la nature initiale du transfert (ici, les ‘recettes’ du parlementarisme britannique).     

Appreciating difference? A view from Indigenous rivers

While the Saint‐Laurent river is considered to be the cradle of Québécois society, many other great rivers are found across the province—other cradles of civilizations, indigenous to the continent, notably the Chisasibi and the Manicouagan. These rivers played a key role in the Québécois movement of affirmation and modernization in the twentieth century. They are valued by many people in Quebec for their hydroelectric output rather than for their cultural richness and significance for the Eeyou (Cree) and Innu Nations. Since the 1990s, I have been able to study Quebec's historical geography from the standpoint of these rivers thanks to the expertise of Eeyou and Innu knowledge holders. Using the concept of decolonization as a practice, I explore how this has impacted both my work as a geographer and my cultural identity as a Québécois woman.     

Anglo-American Rivalry in the Middle East: The Struggle for the Buraimi Oasis, 1952–1957

Some French writers, most notably Jean-Baptiste Duroselle and André Tardieu, have argued that French strategic interests during the early decades of the twentieth century had been seriously harmed because, alone among the Great Powers of Europe, France lacked a ‘diaspora’ in the United States. As a result of this, they have claimed, France had no advocacy group prepared to defend the interests of the European ‘kin state’ at a time when France’s great rival, Germany, was amply endowed with a sizeable demographic presence in the United States, willing to speak out in defence of Germany and its foreign policy. Moreover, a second large European diaspora had become established in the United States, whose numbers would swell after the mid nineteenth century: the Irish. Not necessarily committed to promoting German interests, the Irish-Americans did militate strongly and consistently against British interests, such that by the time France and Britain had become close security partners preceding and during the First World War, what worked against British interests would also work against French ones. This article constitutes a critical examination of the Duroselle-Tardieu thesis regarding France's allegedly ‘missing’ diaspora, and cautions against attributing too much geo-strategic influence to either the German-American or Irish-American ‘lobby’.     

STRUCTURE AND AGENCY: CONTESTED CONCEPTS IN HUMAN GEOGRAPHY

The concepts of ‘structure’ and ‘agency’ have been of central significance to geographic research. This paper focuses on recent debates in critical social geography, and the contributions of Marxist, feminist, and postmodern perspectives to rethinking the structure-agency question. Significant changes in conceptualizing structure and agency are outlined, from early work in Marxist geography to current efforts to grapple with postmodern culture and identity. The paper demonstrates that critical geographic approaches to structure and agency have become more inclusive and nuanced, as researchers have addressed challenges posed by critiques and new perspectives. It concludes by considering the significance of place, space, and social difference in mediating processes of social change and thus in concrete explanations of how the ‘dialectical dance’ of structure and agency unfolds within particular locales. Les concepts de «structure» et d' «action» ont une importance capitate dans les recherches en géographie. Cet article porte sur les débats qui ont récemment eu cours dans le domaine de la géographie sociale critique et sur les contributions apportées par les tenants des points de vue marxiste, féministe et postmoderne dans la reconceptualisation du rapport entre la structure et faction. On y mentionne les importants changements qui ont eu lieu dans le domaine de la conceptualisation des structures et des actions, des premiers travaux effectués en géographie marxiste jusqu'aux récents efforts dé-ployés pour mieux saisir la culture et I'identité postmoderne. Ce texte démontre que dans le domaine de la géographie critique, on voit la structure et faction d'une manière plus englobante et plus nuancée à mesure que les chercheurs se sont penchés sur les défis soulevés par les critiques et les nouvelles perspectives. Nous finissons par évaluer la place qu'occupent I'endroit, I'espace et la différence sociale dans la médiation des processus du changement social - et ainsi dans les explications concrètes des variations de la « danse dialectique » de structure et de faction dans des milieux particuliers.     

Actualités

Cet article traite du match de football ayant opposé l'équipe de France à son homologue algérienne le 6 octobre 2001 au Stade de France. Basée sur l'analyse de quatre quotidiens nationaux (Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération et L'Équipe), l'étude cherche à comprendre les représentations des relations franco-algériennes dans la presse écrite française. Il s'agit de saisir les manières dont les journaux problématisent la rencontre en construisant des catégories et des classements particuliers. L'enquête révèle ainsi la mise en scène d'un système de perception social et politique fondé sur des séparations et des hiérarchies culturelles, nationales et sociales. Plus précisément, la presse véhicule l'idée de « choc des civilisations ». Elle instaure également un rapport de domination symbolique entre les deux pays à l'avantage de la France. Enfin, elle valorise pour l'Hexagone un modèle d'intégration des individus basé sur la séparation public/privé et sur la responsabilité individuelle.     

Two new stem-stoneflies discovered in the Pennsylvanian Avion locality,Pas-de-Calais,France (Insecta: ‘Exopterygota’)

Schubnel, T., Perdu, L., Roques, P., Garrouste, R. & Nel, A.,26 February 2019. Two new stem-stoneflies discovered in the Pennsylvanian Avion locality, Pas-de-Calais, France (Insecta: ‘Exopterygota’). Alcheringa 43, 430–435.

Avionptera communeaui gen. et sp. nov. and Gulou oudardi sp. nov., the second and third Carboniferous representatives of the stem group Plecoptera (after G. carpenteri) are described and illustrated. A. communeaui is attributed to the Paleozoic family Fatjanopteridae, of which the only previous member was Fatjanoptera mnemonica. Based on a re-examination of the families Gulouidae and Emphylopteridae, the former family is restored to the Plecoptera stem group and the latter is transferred to the Archaeorthoptera.

Thomas Schubnel [thomas.schubnel@wanadoo.fr], Romain Garrouste [garroust@mnhn.fr] and André Nel* [anel@mnhn.fr], Institut Systématique Evolution Biodiversité (ISYEB), Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, CNRS, Sorbonne Université, EPHE, 57 rue Cuvier, CP 50, 75005 Paris, France; Lubin Perdu [lubi.perdu@gmail.com], 11 rue du Caire, F-75002, Paris, France; Patrick Roques [patrick.roques93@wanadoo.fr], 2 Chemin des Processions, Neuilly-Plaisance, F-93049, France     

La trame de la logique floue et l'usure du temps

Sans résumé à propos de: ClaudeRosental,La Trame de l'évidence. Sociologie de la démonstration en logique, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 2003, 15×22, 367 p., index (Sciences, modernités, philosophies).     

‘L’île des bannis’: Jersey,Britain and the French Emigration 1789–1815

ABSTRACT

The case of the Channel Island of Jersey is an important yet understudied part of the British Empire’s response to the French Emigration 1789–1815. During its high point in 1792–3, the émigré population in and around Jersey’s main town of St Helier was as large as that in London and one of the European centres of political migration. This article explores the complicated relationship between Jersey’s political institutions, the British military authorities in London, the British government and the émigré community. It shows how a brewing humanitarian crisis in the island prompted the British government to sanction subsistence payments in Jersey and enlist Royalist émigrés months before these policies were adopted in Britain. But British support was intimately bound up with the émigrés’ anti-Revolutionary military activities, as much as humanitarian concerns. The forced expulsion of most émigrés to Britain in summer 1796 resulted not from concerns about the wellbeing of the émigré community in face of imminent French invasion, but concerns about the Royalists’ military loyalties. During the Napoleonic Wars, British policy towards the émigrés lacked coherence and was not categorized by overriding humanitarian goals, though such concerns did compete with strategic ones.