流动与认同：以香港居民为例

“接触假说”认为,群体间的接触和交往越多、偏见越少。这个观点有一定的局限性。本文使用香港社会动态跟踪调查2013年的数据,分析了受访者跨境流动频率对“中国人”身份认同的影响。研究发现,跨境流动的频率与“中国人”身份认同有显著的关系。跨境流动刚开始确实可以提升香港居民的“中国人”认同;随着流动频繁,“中国人”认同转而趋弱。结果表明,跨境流动对香港居民“中国人”身份认同的影响是非线性的,当流动频率超过某个节点,认同就不再增强甚至转而下降。研究结果揭示出身份认同是在寻求相似性和差异性两者的互动中形成的,并因应不同的社会情境而发生改变。香港与内地的差异体验越深,不同的身份认同越难合一。     

Hong Kong under Chinese Sovereignty: Economic Relations with Mainland China, 1978-2007

A Hong Kong—based economic geographer presents an array of statistical data through 2007 that place Hong Kong among the world's leading financial, foreign trade, and air cargo handling centers. The paper's main focus is the economic relationship with Mainland China, which has grown and expanded since the change of the city's sovereignty in 1997. Included in the presentation is a review of economic integration before and after the handover by the UK to China, the pattern of cross-border investments and foreign trade, the growth of the logistics and tourism industries, and the challenges posed by changing economic relations, partly due to the rapid development of Hong Kong's hinterland. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: O16, O18, O20, R11. 2 figures, 5 tables, 64 references.     

基于居民感知的跨界意义研究——以深港跨界居民为例

对于在边界两侧居住的居民，跨界流动、居民对边界另一侧的地方感、跨界的个人意义以及跨界的区域意义这四者之间的互动关系是值得关注的话题。本文基于深港跨界居民的调查数据，构建了路径模型来分析上述四者之间的关系。发现：跨界频率对深港居民的地方感具有显著的正向作用；跨界频率对个人和区域意义的感知均具有显著影响，对个人意义的感知影响是正向的，但对区域意义的感知影响却是负向的；地方感对边界的个人和区域意义感知均具有显著的正向影响。本文通过对深港边界居民的实证研究，深化了对跨界流动意义的理解，以期为深港一体化相关政策制定和实施提供依据和借鉴。     

邓小平与香港"后过渡时期"的中英外交斗争

邓小平为解决香港"十二年过渡时期"的"平稳过渡"和"顺利交接"问题,提出创造条件让"爱国爱港"的香港人逐步参与管理并且为1997年收回香港以后"港人治港"培养人才.由于英国在"十二年过渡时期"以"代议制改革"为核心的"非殖民化"的"光荣撤退",以及不惜牺牲中英合作关系和香港前途以香港为"磨心"进行的自"偷步民主"至"民主冲剌"的政治对抗,中国在中英合作的基础已经被破坏、"旧香港"与"新香港"之间的政治体制"直通车"已经"不通"的情况下,根据"以我为主"的原则按照中英"联合声明"和"基本法"的规定对香港特别行政区的政治体制"另起炉灶"筹备香港特别行政区.     

香港回归的历史"前奏曲"——1979年3月邓小平与麦理浩的"北京会谈"述略

1979年3月香港总督麦理浩的北京之行,代表英国方面以香港"土地契约"问题为"突破口"逼中国方面对过"九七"的"英国管治"作出让步,第一次将中英两国政府"长期搁置"的香港"九七"前途问题明朗化.而邓小平"叫香港的投资者放心"的正面回应,初步揭示了中国共产党和中国政府关于"九七"以后"香港还可以搞它的资本主义"的战略思考.以此为契机,中国共产党和中国政府开始初步调整当代中国"国家统一"的战略重心,将以"一国两制"的"新思维"解决香港问题的"时间表"提前,探索将"台湾版"的"一国两制"香港化".     

From Strategic Coupling to Recoupling and Decoupling: Restructuring Global Production Networks and Regional Evolution in China

The global production networks (GPNs) perspective, especially its focal concept of “strategic coupling” has been widely applied to regional studies in the era of globalization. The 2000s, especially the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, has witnessed a dramatic restructuring of the governance structure of GPNs; the effects on regional evolution have, however, been understudied. Echoing to MacKinnon's [(2012) Beyond strategic coupling: Reassessing the firm-region Nexus in global production networks, Journal of Economic Geography, 12, pp. 227–245] recent plea for conceptualizing the types, degree and depth of strategic coupling in the GPNs framework, this paper postulates that regional trajectories have been reshaped by the transition from strategic coupling to recoupling and decoupling, as a result of regional selection and abandonment of transnational corporations (TNCs) in host regions in China. Based on updated field investigation and in-depth interviews during the period of mid-2008 and early 2012, this paper examines and compares the transformation of the cross-border production networks driven by Hong Kong and Taiwan-based TNCs, particularly their divergent engagements in decoupling from source regions in coastal China, e.g. the Pearl River Delta and recoupling with the inland provinces, such as Sichuan and Hubei. Particular attention is paid to the changing power relations among TNCs and concerned regions with the emergence of key supplier-led domestic market-oriented production networks in China. Through developing an evolutionary framework on strategic coupling, the paper puts forward pertinent topics on the research agenda to explore dynamic interaction between GPN restructuring and regional evolution in the contemporary global economy.     

The geopolitics of cross-boundary governance in the Greater Pearl River Delta,China: A case study of the proposed Hong Kong–Zhuhai–Macao Bridge

The new generation of border studies in the past two decades has focused on the analysis of cross-border integration and the functionality of cross-border regions. Cross-border governance as ‘reterritorialization’ has evolved into a key expression of regionalization and of dynamic changes in territorial relations in the context of globalization. So far, most research has concentrated on Europe and North America. This paper aims to investigate the geopolitical relations in the cross-border governance of the Greater Pearl River Delta (Greater PRD), a sub-national cross-boundary region in China. The proposed Hong Kong–Macao–Zhuhai Bridge (the Bridge) is offered as a case study. Debates about the Bridge elucidate the complex and dynamic power struggles in the evolution of the cross-boundary integration in the Greater PRD in the unique and evolving context of “one country, two systems”. Complex relational geometries are exemplified by the changing attitudes and roles of various levels of governments involving the central, Guangdong provincial, Zhuhai and Shenzhen municipal, Hong Kong and Macao SAR governments, as well as concerned businesses and NGOs in the debate. Through the case, this study explores complicated power relations in a distinctive pattern of multi-level governance in the Greater PRD.     

Reconstructed nationalism in Taiwan: a politicised and economically driven identity

Since the late 1980s, Taiwan has been engulfed in waves of both democratisation and integration with mainland China. These two waves have pulled identity reconstruction in Taiwan in two different directions. In the process of democratisation, a shift to a majoritarian system encouraged a Taiwanese renaissance on the political platform and consequently led to the deconstruction of Chinese identity. On the other hand, in the 1990s, with the high mobility of capital and people across the Taiwan Strait, close economic ties could have put the brakes on Taiwan independence movements. Hence, this paper uses random coefficient models to explore how the democratic transition and increasing cross‐strait relations brought about psychological and structural mechanisms that motivated people to opt for identity change in Taiwan. It also attempts to investigate how people dealt with the dissonance between rising Taiwanese nationalism and the economic interests that deterred a radical Taiwanese identity.     

1967年香港反英抗暴斗争后中国对港贸易的恢复

1967年香港的反英抗暴斗争,是中英关系史和香港发展史上一次有重大影响的事件。因此次事件,中国内地暂停经香港的转口业务,港英当局对内地采取贸易歧视政策,美国、日本和中国台湾等乘机加紧对港澳市场的争夺。到1968年,中国商品占香港进口市场份额退居第二位,位列日本之后。在此背景下,中国政府采取强有力措施,迅速恢复和扩大对港澳地区的出口供应。透过历史的考察与分析,可以看出中央政府确保对港澳市场的稳定供应具有战略意义,体现出中央保持港澳地区长期繁荣稳定的方针是一贯的。在反英抗暴斗争中,中央政府坚持有理、有利、有节的斗争方针,在外贸总量同期大幅度下降的情况下,中英贸易没有受到太大的影响。     

从广交会看两岸的经贸关系(1957-1991年)

广交会是大陆开展对台经贸工作的平台之一。创办之初,广交会主要通过在香港的台湾办庄和台商开展工作。20世纪60年代末70年代初,通过海外侨商开展对台经贸工作。改革开放后,大陆积极发展对台贸易,台商间接参与广交会。1987年,台湾开放民众到大陆探亲,为台商直接参与广交会创造了条件。总结广交会台商工作的政策沿革和实践发展的历史经验,对当前推进两岸经贸交流、完成祖国统一大业有借鉴意义。     

China's New Generation of Leaders and Regional Challenges in East Asia

A pair of Hong Kong and U.S. specialists on China examines the dynamic international environment China's new leadership now faces, focusing on East Asia. They first examine the complex balance the leadership seeks to strike between: (1) China's projection of increasing economic, military, and political power internationally; (2) the primary domestic goals of economic growth and stability; and (3) rising public awareness, demand for information access, and (in some quarters) nationalism among the Chinese people. The authors then proceed, in successive sections of the paper, to assess in greater detail China's international and regional security environment, Sino-American relations, China's relations with its East Asian neighbors, and the complex interconnections between the country's domestic and foreign policy. They conclude that Sino-American relations will continue to be pivotal to Beijing's foreign relations in general and its relations with countries in the East Asian region more specifically.     

Britain,European Economic Community Enlargement,and ‘Decolonisation’ in Hong Kong, 1967–1973

Politicians and businesspeople in Hong Kong paid close attention to British efforts to join the European Economic Community (EEC). The British colony was exempted from most tariffs in Britain, an arrangement that could not survive EEC enlargement. EEC members were unwilling to extend to Hong Kong, a significant exporter of manufactured goods, the same trade preferences offered to other dependent territories. Instead, the unique provision the EEC made for the colony was limited inclusion into their Generalised System of Preferences scheme, which granted tariff concessions to developing countries. Historians of Hong Kong have shown how the colony experienced British imperial withdrawal in a number of ways, despite remaining under British rule until 1997. This article demonstrates that an important element is missing from this account: how global economic shifts led to an erosion of imperial ties. EEC enlargement from 1973 entailed the end of Hong Kong's privileged access to the British market, but for the colony, the importance of imperial economic links had already faded. At the same time, an assessment of Hong Kong's capacity to pursue favourable terms of trade in global markets independently from Britain offers a more tentative conclusion of the extent of the colony's autonomy.     

Identity and Place: the testament of designated heritage in Hong Kong

This paper examines the extent to which the identity of Hong Kong as a place, and of the Hong Kong Chinese as people, is expressed by the official heritage locations (the seventy-five Declared Monuments) designated by Hong Kong's Antiquities and Monuments Office. The discussion takes account of other heritage initiatives, in particular two recent monuments that commemorate the 1997 Handover of Hong Kong to China. Conclusions are that designated heritage in Hong Kong, more by chance than by deliberate strategy, reflects significant elements of the identities of the Hong Kong people and of Hong Kong as a place. However, more important to the Hong Kong Chinese person's sense of identity than built heritage are the bonds of kin and associated social events.     

粤闽侨乡先行改革的社会成本分析

东南沿海所具有的侨乡禀赋与特殊优势 ,使之在中国改革开放进程中成为先行地区。作为海外社会资源载体的华侨华人与港澳同胞 ,不仅通过捐赠款物和直接投资等形式全面参与和大大促进了侨乡经济改革进程 ,而且侨乡地方政府与普通民众 ,通过与海外乡亲的密切联系 ,一方面从中学习和获得了兴办企业、改进管理、开拓海内外市场等方面的经验与资源 ,另一方面 ,开阔了眼界 ,解放了思想 ,为改革开放的持续发展排除了不少阻力 ,减弱了社会动荡。凡此 ,降低了改革的成本 ,加快了改革的进程 ,推动了经济起飞。在此基础上侨乡进行了一系列的制度创新 ,为改革的进一步深入与经济持续发展开创了新的道路。同时 ,沿海侨乡的成功经验与社会资源逐渐向内地传导 ,又降低了中国经济改革的成本。     

Policy and creative strategies: Hong Kong CEPA films in the China market

Abstract

This article examines the creative strategies of Hong Kong Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA) films in engagements with the China market under the framework of CEPA introduced in 2004. One of the aims of CEPA for the film sector is to boost co-production between Hong Kong and the mainland. In the past 10 years, CEPA has dramatically changed Hong Kong cinema’s relationship with China in that major film directors have moved to produce CEPA films to tap into the rapidly growing mainland market. This shift has been considered as part of HKSAR’s overall mainlandization and subsequent disappearance of a distinct local identity. This article revisits this view by presenting two case studies to see if indeed Hong Kong CEPA pictures are devoid of Hong Kong elements. The case studies analyze textual elements of two CEPA blockbuster films, The Mermaid (dir. Stephen Chow, 2016) and The Taking of Tiger Mountain 3D (dir. Tsui Hark, 2014). Citing the intertextual allusions to the directors’ old works seen in these two films, the authors argue that the market advantage granted by the CEPA scheme in effect allowed Hong Kong filmmakers to revive and extend signature creative strategies of Hong Kong cinema, despite censorship constraints.     

Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese Sovereignty: A Framing Discourse

A senior American specialist on China and noted geographer presents a framing commentary and analysis of three preceding papers (Yeung et al., 2008; Shen, 2008; and Tang, 2008) comprising a symposium on Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese sovereignty after Great Britain and Portugal ceased to govern these cities in the late 1990s. The paper commences with an historical overview, noting the years of colonial rule, discussing relations with Mainland China before and after its economic reforms were set in motion, and evaluating the post-handover period in light of the material and arguments in the preceding papers. Included in the paper is also a section on environmental degradation in Hong Kong. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: N950, O18, Q30, R11. 3 figures, 17 references.     

晚清时期香港与北方环渤海地区的贸易关系

晚清时期香港与北方环渤海地区的贸易关系密切,东北地区通过牛庄口岸,山东及朝鲜通过烟台口岸,直隶及广大北方腹地通过天津口岸与香港展开了繁密的贸易往来.不同地区的洋货进口结构略有不同,而土货出口结构则差别较大,反映出区域经济发展的差异.对外贸易的发展刺激了腹地外向型经济的兴起.     

体育交流与改革开放:“省港杯”足球赛的创立

始于1979年的“省港杯”足球赛是改革开放初期由以霍英东为代表的部分香港工商界人士发起、获得地方政府支持和中央政府批准的一项体育赛事。在“友谊第一、比赛第二”的友好气氛中,第一届“省港杯”足球赛在广州和香港两地成功举办。这项赛事促进了粤港两地的交流与合作,对广东的改革开放进程产生了积极的影响,增强了香港同胞对于内地坚持实行改革开放政策的信心。     

The Mystery of Capital: Eurasian Entrepreneurs' Socio-Cultural Strategies for Commercial Success in Early 20th-Century Hong Kong

Unlike economic capital, which is visible and easy to calculate, social capital is intangible and difficult to assess. Although both types of capital are crucial in determining social relations and social behaviour, little solid research has been done on the latter. This paper attempts to use the rags-to-riches story of Sir Robert Ho Tung, a first-generation Hong Kong Eurasian entrepreneur who commenced life without traditional social/cultural capital as the illegitimate son of a Chinese woman and a Dutchman, to illustrate the processes involved in cultivating and accumulating social capital. With special reference to economic development in early colonial Hong Kong and major social transformations in the Chinese mainland, this paper also demonstrates how a group of so-called social/racial “half-caste bastards” (Eurasians) were able to form their own social networks of mutual help and protection. It also considers how they worked to consolidate, mobilise, aggrandise and transmit their social capital. In conclusion, it is argued that Eurasians in early twentieth-century Hong Kong constructed their personal networks like a web, with different interconnecting layers that functioned at different socio-economic-political levels to serve different purposes.     

The Last Stand of Colonialism? The Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Councils and the Sino-British Negotiations Over Hong Kong, 1982–1984

ABSTRACT

As influential leaders in Hong Kong, the Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Council (UMELCO) were arguably the only group of Hong Kong people permitted to take part in the Sino-British negotiations that defined the future of Hong Kong. But almost no studies have explored the broader significance of their participation in the negotiations. Using recently declassified British documents, this article argues that, in the wider history of decolonisation, UMELCO’s petition for British administration belonged to the less noticed voices that called for alternatives to independence. UMELCO’s participation also reveals how the negotiations challenged Hong Kong’s autonomy. Although governors at times advocated Hong Kong’s interests vis-a-vis London, the governor’s autonomy during the negotiations was restricted, so the appeal of UMELCO was further weakened. Although UMELCO wanted to preserve the existing system, their actions inadvertently boosted the rise of ‘Hong Kong people’ as an idea and encouraged local people to demand more democracy. The structure of ExCo, LegCo and the government was mostly inherited by post-1997 Hong Kong, while some of UMELCO shifted to the Chinese side, suggesting the irony that a supposedly anti-colonial China lived with a state that came largely from colonial rule.