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《中国文化遗产》2015,(3)
<正>伯希和西域探险日记(1906-1908)(法)伯希和著,耿异译,中国藏学出版社2014年8月出版,定价:108元。这批日记是伯希和西域考古探险团最重要的文献,系首次公开刊布。伯希和的这部日记并不像普通旅行家、探险家或一般学者所作的那种游记,记述的都是学术上的重要问题,他将田野口碑资料与文献资料相结合,以口碑补史料,以史料证口碑。该日记始于1906年7月15日的撒马尔罕,结束于1908年1o月1日的郑州。书中还附有伯希和于这次探险期间所写的信件,这些信件也都是"学术信札",每一封相当于一篇科考探险日记。这些书信与日记互补互证,角度不同,详略各异,真实反映了当时中国西域的整体面貌。 相似文献
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"火烧船厂"是关东三大传说("狗咬奉天、风刮卜奎、火烧船厂")之一,指吉林市曾迭遭火灾,这是在吉林市城市史研究中不可回避的问题。在过去的研究中,由于传统史料的局限,方志、档案的数量过少和口碑材料可信度低,导致这一研究很难深入。本文通过对《申报》和《盛京时报》中对吉林市光绪十六年和宣统三年大火史料的梳理,清晰还原了这两次大火的整个过程,为吉林市城市史研究拓宽了史料运用的深度和广度,并对报刊资料在城市发展史研究中的应用进行了探讨。 相似文献
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本刊在1983年第二期曾介绍过中华苏维埃国家银行货币图案的设计者黄亚光同志。象黄老这样的革命前辈,是我党的宝贵财富,在他们当中保存的材料和口碑是我们研究革命货币的珍贵史料。搜集、抢救这些史料,是我们义不容辞的责任,今天我们再发表张建新介绍黄老设计苏区货币经过的文章,就是为了提倡各地革命货币研究者们都能够重视这项工作,积极做好这项工作。 相似文献
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侗戏,是我国少数民族戏曲剧种之一。她以浓郁的民族特色和独特的艺术品格,深为广大侗族观众喜闻乐见。侗戏除普及干我省黔东南苗族侗族自治州的侗族村寨之外,在与黔东南濒临的桂北、湘西的侗族地区亦有流传。解放前,侗族没有本民族的文字,有关洞戏的史料只见诸口碑,而且在不同的侗族地区的口碑材料亦多有差异。好在大家已公认《李旦凤姣》‘是侗戏历史上第一个剧本”“,而且这出戏是从汉族故事改编而来。这样为找们的考察提供了一个极为重要的线索,据此我们就有可能在不同口碑材料中对侗戏的起源、侗戏的创始人这些有关们戏的重大问… 相似文献
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对于中共党史研究来说,档案文献资料非常重要,而回忆资料、口碑资料也同样十分重要,也是研究工作中很迫切的一项任务,即通常所说的抢救活史料、活资料。中共领导人历来重视抢救活史料的工作。早在1936年8月5日,毛泽东就号召参加长征的同志们,“就自己在长征中所经历的战斗、民情风俗、奇闻轶事写成许多片断”,以出版《长征记》。 相似文献
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在修志过程中,编修人员往往会遇到这样的情况:有些资料确实很有价值,但缺乏较为详细的记载;有些资料虽有记载,但过于简略或存在明显讹误;有些资料虽有耳闻,但缺乏确切的史料加以佐证。结果是,有些很有价值的资料无法在方志中反映。对于这样的情况,最好的办法是尽可能寻找知情的当事人,以获取第一手口碑资料,再通过整理、审校等一系列工作,从而得出较为符合客观实际、较为详尽的结论。口碑资料因有此重要作用,正在被修志界同仁们逐步认识而加以运用。可以说,在续修过程中,搜集口碑资料,挖掘鲜为人知的宝贵资料,将逐步成为人们追求的目标。有… 相似文献
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朝野纠葛:北京政府时期的舆论与外交--以关税特别会议为个案的考察 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
关于北京政府时期的外交,尽管学术界近来已开始有了较为客观的评价,不过对于其背后因素的考察还有待深入。实际上,在北京政府时期,由于特殊的时代背景,各种社会舆论被全面动员起来,以汹涌澎湃之势冲击着外交这一特殊的政治领域,从而形成了近代史上国民外交的黄金时期。于是,由于中央政府统治的虚弱,在其决策者进行外交运作时,就处处受到来自舆论界的影响,这是一个极为明显的历史特色,通过对当时舆论的考察,就会更深层次地探究北京政府外交的两难境地。笔者在考察时,主要以关税特别会议为个案,以上海舆论为核心,以《申报》、《东方杂志》等报刊为第一手资料。 相似文献
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《Political Geography》2002,21(5):573-599
The Kosovo war of 1999 brought the checkered legacies of Russian and Western geopolitics back to the forefront of international relations. Central to the discussions of the Balkans is its century-old legacy as a Shatterbelt or Crush Zone. Though not identified by Saul Cohen as a Shatterbelt during the Cold War, the region is now located where the maritime (Western) and land power (Russian) geostrategic realms come into contact. NATO expansion and Russian insecurities about the region’s future have revised interest in geopolitical linkages and historical antecedents. The tradition of pan-Slavism, linking Russia to the Balkans cultural and political networks, has been uneven and is now subject to intensive debate within Russian political circles. In 1999, public opinion surveys showed consistent support in NATO countries for the bombing of Yugoslavia but strong opposition in Russia and other Slavic states. The surveys also question many stereotypes, especially the geopolitical visions of Russian citizens. Modern geopolitics is differentiated from classical geopolitics by the insertion of public opinion into the formation of geopolitical codes and foreign policy, in both the western countries and in Russia. In such an environment, the Balkans will remain central to the strategies of the great powers but public opinion, modifying geopolitical cultures, will ameliorate confrontations. 相似文献
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Andrea Carson Shaun Ratcliff Yannick Dufresne 《Australian journal of political science》2018,53(1):3-23
This article examines congruence between public opinion and politicians’ positions on same-sex marriage in the Australian House of Representatives from 2012 to 2016. In contrast median voter theorem and other office-motivated frameworks, Australian federal politicians have largely ignored majority opinion, which has been supportive of same-sex marriage for a decade. Using a unique dataset (n?=?601,550) of voter preferences collected during the 2013 federal election, and collated Hansard and media data, we compare public opinion on same-sex marriage with politicians’ public positions. We find a status quo bias, suggesting the influence of special interest groups in this policy area. Yet, we also find parliamentarians are responsive to public opinion once it reaches a critical level, and that very low opposition to same-sex marriage in an electorate predicts policy support from its MP, which varies by party and over time. 相似文献
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The privileged position occupied by think tanks in public debate is reflected in their access to mainstream media and their political commentary frequently accepted as independent expert opinion. However, behind the carefully constructed and closely guarded façade of intellectual autonomy is a network of interests drawn together in a campaign to reshape political values. By tracing the intellectual antecedents and the historical origins of think tanks and their role in fostering neoliberalism, we assess the emerging neoconservatism and the implications for public debate. 相似文献
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Aaron Martin Keith Dowding Andrew Hindmoor Andrew Gibbons 《Australian journal of political science》2014,49(3):499-517
Whether or not policy is responsive to public opinion is central to questions of representation. Democracy by many accounts is premised on there being a strong correspondence between public opinion and policy. This link has not, however, been examined in detail in Australia. This article examines the policy–opinion link in a more robust way than that has previously been achieved in Australia, through the use of legislative data from the Australian Policy Agendas Project (APAP) and public opinion data from Roy Morgan. The article asks: is policy congruent with public opinion in Australia? In addressing this question, we examine to what extent policy accords with the preferences of the public. This in turn provides us with some answers about how representative Australian democracy is, as well as contributing to an international debate about the responsiveness of policy to public opinion.政策是否要对舆论负责,这是代表制的核心问题。民主的前提往往就在于舆论和政策之间的息息相通。但在澳大利亚,人们并没有仔细地研究过二者间的关联。本文根据澳大利亚政策议题计划提供的立法资料以及罗伊摩根提供的舆情资料,对政策—舆论关联做了比以往充分多的研究。本文试问:政策与舆论在澳大利亚是否一致?我们考察了政策在多大程度上符合民意。这也为澳大利亚民主在多大程度上具有代表性的问题提供了答案,对于国际上争论政策对民意的回应问题也具有参考意义。。 相似文献
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Charles E. Orser Jr. 《International Journal of Historical Archaeology》1997,1(3):243-255
As historical archaeology expands across the globe, issues over the nature of professionalism are sure to arise with greater frequency. In this essay, I explore the subject of professionalism in historical archaeology and offer a few personal comments and observations on this important subject. For me, personal integrity can play a huge role in furthering the cause of archaeology among an often-uninterested public. 相似文献
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Risk perceptions are important to the policy process because they inform individuals’ preferences for government management of hazards that affect personal safety, public health, or ecological conditions. Studies of risk in the policy process have often focused on explicating the determinants of risk perceptions for highly salient, high consequence hazards (e.g., nuclear energy). We argue that it is useful to also study more routinely experienced hazards; doing so shows the relevance of risk perceptions in individuals’ daily lives. Our investigation focuses on the impact perceived risk has on citizens’ preferences over hazard management policies (as distinct from identifying risk perception determinants per se). We use a recursive structural equation model to analyze public opinion data measuring attitudes in three distinct issue domains: air pollution, crime, and hazardous waste storage and disposal. We find that citizens utilize perceived risk rationally: greater perceived risk generally produces support for more proactive government to manage potential hazards. This perceived risk–policy response relationship generally holds even though the policy options respondents were asked to consider entailed nontrivial costs to the public. The exception seems to be when individuals know less about the substantive issue domain. 相似文献
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Conservation in urban areas is an active issue, but in remoter areas historical remains are neglected by both public and government. Conservation of maritime archaeological sites is fast becoming important elsewhere. Acknowledging the importance of conservation for other types of historical sites, this paper addresses the need for conservation of the as-yet-unknown number of maritime archaeological sites in Malaysia. This will take time and continuing effort. Malacca Maritime Museum is a case-study, built specifically for showcasing artefacts from shipwrecks. The first such museum in Malaysia, it has benefited tourism as well as preserving objects and educating the public.
© 2005 The Nautical Archaeology Society 相似文献
© 2005 The Nautical Archaeology Society 相似文献
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Susan A. Crane 《History and theory》1997,36(4):44-63
Museums are conventionally viewed as institutions dedicated to the conservation of valued objects and the education of the public. Recently, controversies have arisen regarding the representation of history in museums. National museums in America and Germany considered here, such as the Smithsonian's Air and Space Museum, the Holocaust Memorial Museum, and the German Historical Museum, have become sites of contention where national histories and personal memories are often at odds. Contemporary art installations in museums which take historical consciousness as their theme similarly raise contentious issues about public knowledge of and personal interest in the past. When members of publics find that their memories of the past or their expectations for museum experiences are not being met, a kind of "distortion" occurs. The "distortion" related to memory and history in the museum is not so much of facts or interpretations, but rather a distortion from the lack of congruity between personal experience and expectation, on the one hand, and the institutional representation of the past on the other. This essay explores the possibilities for a redefined relationship between personal memory and history that is experienced in contemporary museums. 相似文献
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JAN PAKULSKI BRUCE TRANTER STEPHEN CROOK 《Australian journal of political science》1998,33(2):235-252
Recent survey (AES and ISSP) data and public opinion polls show an interesting dynamic at work in public opinion on environmental issues in Australia. Environmental concerns lose urgency, detach themselves from environmental groups, their established issue-carriers, and further bifurcate into distinct 'green' and 'brown' issue clusters. These shifts in patterns of concern accompany changes in forms of public expression and in the diffusion of concerns. However, public concerns about the environment in Australia do not simply wane, but become 'routinised', that is, increasingly differentiated, independent of green groups, and linked with conventional institutional issue carriers. 相似文献