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1.
20世纪70年代的经济危机使英国的福利制度陷入困境。撒切尔政府上台后,对英国的福利制度进行了改革,主要目的是削减福利开支,使福利供给多元化和市场化。撒切尔政府的福利制度改革是英国政党斗争的产物,它反映了英国政党政治与社会福利的关系。  相似文献   

2.
英国于二战后正式建立福利国家,它的发展与政党政治密切相关。虽然福利制度的健全也产生了一些弊病,乃至70年代末出现了所谓的"英国病",但英国仍不失为一个发达的福利国家,而它背后所蕴藏的民族精神更让我们为之动容。  相似文献   

3.
评析近代澳大利亚民族意识   总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10  
王宇博 《世界历史》2000,13(1):51-58
近代澳大利亚民族意识是19世纪澳大利亚民族形成和发展在社会意识形态领域的反应。它以澳大利亚民族为载体,反映出澳大利亚民族的成熟程度和发展趋势,以自然的方式体现在澳大利亚人的言论和行为之中,并具有指导性作用。它还显示出澳大利亚民族由英吉利民族派生而来并与之逐渐脱离的过程。本文以19世纪后半期澳大利亚社会变革为背景,对近代澳大利亚民族意识的形成及其内涵作初步探讨。一19世纪60年代至20世纪初是澳大利亚民族形成的重要阶段,澳大利亚民族是在英国移民及其后代的基础上发展和演变而来,其形成表现为英吉利民族…  相似文献   

4.
英国福利制度的演变及其调控作用   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
国家调控是政府调节社会关系,控制社会矛盾的重要管理机制和控制系统。福利制度是国家和政府庞大调控机制的一个重要组成部分,它对社会问题和经济利益进行调节和控制,在缓和社会矛盾,维持社会和经济正常运行方面起着重要作用。本文拟对福利调控手段在英国的形成和发展...  相似文献   

5.
当代美国的福利困境与福利改革   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
徐再荣 《史学月刊》2001,(6):140-144
美国福利制度的建立在一定程度上有助于缓解贫困,稳定社会秩序,但是它对美国人的工作伦理、家庭结构等产生了很大的负面影响。福利改革就是将领取福利与工作联系起来,旨在打破福利循环,减少福利依赖,可是,由于存在种种缺陷,福利改革并未取得预期的效果。  相似文献   

6.
王宇博 《世界历史》2007,5(6):111-121
澳大利亚民族的生成与发展进程表现为英国移民的观念及身份由“澳大利亚英国人”演变为“澳大利亚人”的本土化。导致这种演变的内在因素是这些移民的民族认同取向由英国渐变为澳大利亚,进而形成诸多澳洲化的特有性,主要内容包含有社会权利、“白澳”意识、母国情结、经济利益等方面。这一演变过程进行于19世纪期间。  相似文献   

7.
克林顿政府在上台后,推出了一系列社会保障制度改革的措施,其中包括了医疗计划和福利计划两方面。两者虽遭遇挫折和失败,却在鼓舞美国提高医疗保险可及性,改革整个医疗系统,以及转变美国福利理念,加快美国经济的高速增长,进一步改革美国福利制度上,有着显著的意义。而这其中的成败教训,也为我国的社会保障制度改革提供了参考和启示。  相似文献   

8.
成立于1901年的澳大利亚联邦标志着一个由英属移民殖民地转型而来的新生民族国家的诞生。作为澳大利亚现代化发展中的标志内容之一,这是澳大利亚民族孕育与形成的产物。其生成过程无疑属于民族运动的性质范畴,但运动方式与模式则不同于之前和同期的其他国家与地区的同类运动,澳大利亚首创性地以和平方式完成了社会性质与形态的转变与转型。  相似文献   

9.
汪诗明 《世界历史》2007,1(3):120-127
1951年《澳新美同盟条约》的签订标志着澳美同盟关系正式形成。澳大利亚的外交和防务政策从依附于英国到依附于美国的转变,不仅是英帝国发展史上的一个重要事件,也是战后国际关系发生巨变的一个表征。1954年,澳大利亚成为美国主导的“东南亚条约组织”的一员,  相似文献   

10.
王旭源  张志虎  谢伟 《神州》2012,(18):182+184
我国公务员福利制度作为公务员制度的重要组成部分,贯彻实施这一制度涉及到全国所有公务员的切身利益,同时也体现了我国公务员福利制度的成果,重视研究这一制度有其重要的意义。通过深入了解把握这一制度的现状,分析其存在的问题及原因,进一步提出关于改进完善公务员福利制度、加强福利支出管理监控的对策建议,对于完善公务员薪酬制度,调动广大公务员的积极性和提高工作效率,加强公务员队伍建设,促进社会收入分配秩序的规范,促进建设"服务型""、节约型"政府等方面都具有重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

11.
过去的30多年,有着鲜明计划经济烙印的社会福利制度随着经济转轨经历了从初始的起步探索,到后来逐渐转型和步入正轨的艰辛的改革历程。职工福利分解、社会福利社会化推进、社区服务普及、农村社会福利重构、适度普惠型福利探索等凝结为改革成果,初步形成了新型社会福利体系,但这些改革在社会福利的目标模式上是初级的、不全面的和不平衡的。面对变化的国情,处理好发展与公平的关系,构建适度普惠型社会福利制度,是中国社会福利的目标选择。  相似文献   

12.
计划经济时期中国社会福利制度的历史考察   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
从20世纪50年代起,在计划经济体制的历史背景下,中国形成了比较完整的社会福利体系,对促进经济发展和保障人民生活起到了至关重要的作用,其积极贡献不可磨灭。但同时,这一时期的社会福利制度又具有鲜明的计划经济体制的烙印,具有很大的历史局限性。加强其研究对构建与社会主义市场经济新体制相匹配的社会福利制度具有重要的参考意义。  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

Drawing on historical records and ethnographic fieldwork, the present article examines the history of the so-called curved knife, or krumkniv, as a window on the governance and regulation of indigenous Sámi reindeer slaughter in Norway. Originally developed by scientific activists in the 1920s, in the context of a series of experimental field trials held at a farmstead in Røros, the knives were designed to combine efficiency and ease of use with the elimination of visible animal pain, thus bringing indigenous slaughter in line with the shifting aesthetic and moral concerns of the time. The innovation was highly successful, and the knives rapidly adopted as essential tools of the herding trade – to the point where today, most users disregard their origins. Moving forward to the early 21st century, the situation had shifted almost entirely: animal welfare activists now decried the same knives as a barbaric anachronism, while herders defended them as part of their cultural heritage. Historical narratives of moral progress articulated with other discourses to produce a homogeneous present moment of the state, a moment that threatened to exclude herders from participation in the ongoing nation-building project – constituting them instead as objects of intervention and reform, targeting the successes of previous reform. Herders, meanwhile, challenged such negative constructions by defining the knife as an indigenous tradition, invoking the international commitments of the state to preserve their cultural heritage. Comparing these two historical moments, the article draws out how the technical minutiae of slaughtering practice could operate both as an instrument of social engineering, and as an arena within which complex, large-scale issues – to do with matters such as social inclusion and participation, the value of history, the function and obligations of the state – could be settled, contested and redrawn.  相似文献   

14.
中国福利彩票事业的发生与发展   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
为了解决中国社会福利事业发展面临的资金困乏难题 ,1 987年中央政府批准发行了中国社会福利有奖募捐券 ,筹措资金 ,专款用于民政福利事业。历经探索 ,“有奖募捐”改成“福利彩票” ,逐渐与国际接轨。十几年来 ,中国福利彩票为我国的社会福利事业做出了重要贡献 ,但同时也面临着法律规制和管理体制等方面的问题急需解决  相似文献   

15.
Over the years, there has been a spirited debate over the impact of the welfare expansion associated with the War on Poverty. Many analysts have maintained that public assistance expansion during this period decreased poverty by raising the incomes of the poor (an income enhancement effect), while others have contended that welfare expansion increased poverty by discouraging the poor from working (a work disincentive effect). There has been considerable empirical research about the historical effect of welfare on poverty, nearly all of which relies on the poverty rate (i.e., the percentage of persons with income less than the “poverty threshold”) as an indicator of the extent of poverty. However, this work has not employed designs that allow researchers to sort out distinct income enhancement and work disincentive effects. We develop a model of poverty rates in the American states that permits estimation of these distinct effects—based on state‐level time‐series data observed annually for the years 1960–90—and we find that welfare had both effects during our period of analysis. We also calculate the net impact of increases in welfare benefits on the poverty rate—taking into account both work disincentive and income enhancement effects. Our results indicate that this net impact is dependent on three variables: the initial level of cash benefits, wage levels for unskilled workers, and the share of the benefit increase provided through cash rather than in‐kind assistance. Because of historical trends in these variables, since the 1970s welfare spending has become increasingly less effective in reducing the poverty rate. However, the significance of this result for policymakers must be tempered by evidence that flaws in the poverty rate as an indicator of poverty make it so that any finding about the net effect of an increase in welfare benefits on the poverty rate underestimates welfare's ability to lessen the true extent of poverty.  相似文献   

16.
In 1932 the Gold Coast Branch of the British Red Cross Society was inaugurated in Accra. Its central, stated purpose was to maintain and expand health and welfare services for women and children. This article examines closely the work of the Red Cross as it set up and ran clinics, fundraising campaigns and building programmes in the Gold Coast. It asks how a humanitarian organisation became so integrated into services for mothers and infants in the course of the 1930s. In so doing, it contributes to a burgeoning area of historiography that looks at humanitarianism as a key component of Empire. During the 1930s, as the British Empire became subject to oversight by new international networks that the League of Nations sat at the heart of. In this context, the colonial government was under pressure to provide welfare for African subjects, particularly mothers and babies. This article argues that state, mission and eventually humanitarian organisation – the Red Cross – were interdependent in providing these services. The Red Cross became politicised as it shored up the colonial state’s health infrastructure, intervening as a solution to dilemmas over who was responsible for maternal and infant health.  相似文献   

17.
One single institution, Stavne reformatory in Trondheim, is followed through 50 years of institutional history. What do inquiries into maltreatment and abuse disclose about the use of violence over time at Stavne reformatory? Change and continuity is discussed: what conditions may have contributed to the reproduction of violent patterns, and what conditions may have counteracted the use of violence?  相似文献   

18.
Evidence is growing that Wales was a distinctive ‘welfare region’ under the New Poor Law. Higher rates of out-relief, tense relations with London and a deep dislike of the workhouse system marked the Principality out as different. This article considers Welsh distinctiveness in the context of the ‘crusade against out-relief’. Launched in the early 1870s, the crusade saw out-relief numbers tumble nationally. Little is known about the crusade in Wales but it is often assumed that it was a non-event. It is argued here that this is entirely incorrect. Official statistics reveal that tens of thousands of outdoor paupers in Wales had their relief stopped. Crusaders were successful partly due to the misleading way the Poor Law inspectorate used official figures to portray Wales as a district on the brink of crisis. The turning of outdoor paupers into ‘folk devils’ by sections of the Welsh press was also pivotal. Welsh distinctiveness was not eradicated during the crusade, but it was eroded.  相似文献   

19.
Since the devolution of welfare policymaking to the states after the passage of the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, there has been contentious debate about drug testing welfare applicants. Beyond elite rhetoric and debate points about the implications of welfare drug testing, extant research remains limited insofar as providing theoretical understanding about what factors influence state proposal of legislation requiring welfare applicants to submit to drug tests. I develop and test expectations that derive from research on welfare attitudes, social construction theory, and policy design—specifically, hypotheses that the proportion of blacks on state temporary assistance for needy families caseloads, as well as state‐aggregate levels of symbolic racism, significantly influence state proposal of drug testing legislation. My multilevel analysis of every state proposal of welfare drug testing legislation from 2008 to 2014 yields strong evidence in support of these hypotheses and paints a more complete picture of the influence of racial attitudes on state welfare policymaking. Specifically, while much research finds evidence of institutional racial biases in the implementation of welfare policy, the evidence presented herein shows that these biases, as well as public biases, influence policymaking at the proposal stage. Implications of these findings are discussed in light of recent significant electoral gains made by Republicans in state legislatures.  相似文献   

20.
This article discusses what I call the creation of the juvenile delinquent in the period from the 1930s to the 1970s. Making use of a theoretical understanding taken from Michel Foucault and David Garland this article shows how several elements and factors contributed to this process of which I concentrate on discussing three: the criminal political context, criminological ideas and administrative changes. These practices, including the discourse production around the young offender, led to the creation of a new category: the juvenile delinquent. What happened is understood and analyzed with the help of Foucault's central concept of governmentality. Special emphasis had been laid on investigating the role in this process of reformatory prisons and the Reformatory Prisons Board. Three of the tentative conclusions that could be drawn from the discussion are that the domination of the administrative logic of order and control over the rehabilitative logic played an important role in the creation of the juvenile delinquent; that the diagnostic practice and the scientific credibility that it was built on created a widening gap between the young offenders and ‘normal’ youths; and that the creation of the juvenile delinquent contributed to a stronger symbiosis between the social, administrative and penal bodies.  相似文献   

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