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In a recent article in JMH, Constance Berman suggested that the thirteenth-century history of the Cistercian nuns of La Cour Notre-Dame de Michery in France has been distorted by scholars' reliance on the fifteenth-century cartulary of the house. This compilation, she argues, was meant to portray the nunnery as a failure and to justify its transformation into a male priory. The authors of the present article attempt to show that Berman's doubts about the reliability of the cartulary are unjustified and that the archeological evidence of the church of La Cour which she uses to infer La Cour's financial vigor in the thirteenth-century actually points strongly in the opposite direction.  相似文献   

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This paper seeks to reposition the scholarly debate over the rebelliousness of Cistercian lay brothers by assessing a broad array of narrative, legislative, and contractual documents. For Cistercian writers, lay brothers embodied monastic principles of simplicity and dutifulness. Authors also portrayed disobedient or ambitious conversi to illustrate the dangers of inflated pride. At the same time, however, Cistercian literature presents numerous conversi who do not fit the stereotypes dear to the moralists. Contractual and legal sources confirm that lay brothers were not only simple labourers or insubordinate underlings. They also had directorial functions in their monasteries and were sometimes charged with important political missions. These activities brought them enhanced social status as well as a sense of privilege. Lay brothers rebelled not, as some scholars assert, because they were unscrupulous, or, as others claim, because they were systematically oppressed. They resisted when the expectation of reward generated by their successful management of monastic affairs was frustrated by the directives of their superiors.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Captured outside Latakia in 1203, the Fourth Crusader Renard II de Dampierre was imprisoned in Aleppo for 30 years. The families of captured crusaders lost contact with their imprisoned sons, husbands and fathers for years, even decades, at a time. Such prolonged absences presented significant challenges, and life was delayed for both the imprisoned and their families. The landholdings of captured crusaders could not be alienated or mortgaged, marriages could not be made, nor could inheritances be divided without their permission. This state of affairs became less feasible the longer imprisonment continued. Eventually titles were apportioned between the rightful heirs, wives remarried and families moved on. Although Renard’s case is often cited as an extreme example, it also furnishes extensive evidence of the impact of captivity on a crusading family, the trials they endured in the prolonged absence of their patriarch and the strategies they used to overcome them.  相似文献   

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This is a review of three books: a collection of essays edited by Diane Watt on medieval women in their communities, and two monographs, by Jeffrey F. Hamburger and Marilyn Oliva, on nunneries in late medieval Germany and England. All three suggest in different ways that women's activities are regularly undervalued by the assumption that women try to do the same things as men, and fail. Hamburger argues that the artistic production of late fifteenth‐century nuns has been dismissed because it does not satisfy the criteria of (male) ‘high’ art. He shows that ‘nuns' work’ is in fact the product of a complex symbolic visual and textual culture. Oliva argues that the study of nunneries has been neglected because it is assumed that, since they were not rich and powerful like the monasteries, there is no evidence about them. She shows that it is possible to undertake a detailed prosopographical study of a group of nunneries from a single diocese. I argue that when in this context we talk about ‘women’, we are often in fact talking about the domestic sphere, with which women were so strongly associated. A revaluation of women's activities entails a revaluation of domesticity and the home.  相似文献   

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The belt of Fernando de la Cerda is on permanent display in the Museo de Telas Ricas, Burgos. Presently, scholars believe the belt dates from 1252–75, is of Hispano-Islamic work and was worn as a baldric. This article suggests that the belt is English, that it was commissioned by King Henry III and was worn around the waist. Henry gave the belt to the count of Champagne, Thibault II, during his first diplomatic visit to France. In turn, Thibault probably gave the belt to Fernando de la Cerda, the infante of Castile, in 1269, at Fernando's wedding. The belt's burial with the Castilian infante provides important evidence of the close familial and political relationships that linked the ruling dynasties of north-west Europe during the thirteenth century. Commissioned as a gift and richly decorated, the belt should be seen as an example of the aesthetic accomplishment of Henry III, his use of propaganda and political aspirations.  相似文献   

8.
The belt of Fernando de la Cerda is on permanent display in the Museo de Telas Ricas, Burgos. Presently, scholars believe the belt dates from 1252–75, is of Hispano-Islamic work and was worn as a baldric. This article suggests that the belt is English, that it was commissioned by King Henry III and was worn around the waist. Henry gave the belt to the count of Champagne, Thibault II, during his first diplomatic visit to France. In turn, Thibault probably gave the belt to Fernando de la Cerda, the infante of Castile, in 1269, at Fernando’s wedding. The belt’s burial with the Castilian infante provides important evidence of the close familial and political relationships that linked the ruling dynasties of north-west Europe during the thirteenth century. Commissioned as a gift and richly decorated, the belt should be seen as an example of the aesthetic accomplishment of Henry III, his use of propaganda and political aspirations.  相似文献   

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This article focuses on the art and architecture of the Cistercian abbey of Hailes, home of a famous relic of the Holy Blood, in the two centuries before the Suppression. It is intended to be a contribution to evolving literature on late medieval monasticism, showing the enduring spiritual vitality and relevance of Hailes between the 14th and early 16th centuries. The article discusses the planning and architecture of the late medieval monastery, the extent of and motives for the internal and external patronage and the relationship of the monastery with its sister Cistercian houses, especially those in northern England.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article investigates the importance of papal letters and crusade sermons for the process of recruiting crusaders and analyses different communicative aspects which were at play during events recruiting for the crusade. It argues that both papal letters and sermons were vital elements for effective crusade propaganda but that they fulfilled distinct functions. While letters emanating from the papal curia set the strategic, organisational and legal goalposts for crusade propaganda, crusade sermons were central to the successful recruitment of crusaders. The article highlights the performative aspects of crusade preaching by Pope Urban II at Clermont in 1095 and Abbot Martin of Pairis at Basel in 1200 and shows that ritualised communication played an important role during recruitment events.  相似文献   

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The touching story of innocent children setting out to recover the Holy Sepulchre but suffering a tragic fate was becoming a popular legend within half a century of the actual expedition. Linguistic and social analysis, however, suggests that the crusaders of 1212 were not children, but rather were poor persons on the margins of rural society who were thoroughly imbued with the ideals of the cult of apostolic poverty. They believed that after the failure of the armed crusades, God had judged the powers of this world unworthy to rescue the holy places, and had instead made the poor a divine elect to accomplish this task.  相似文献   

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The touching story of innocent children setting out to recover the Holy Sepulchre but suffering a tragic fate was becoming a popular legend within half a century of the actual expedition. Linguistic and social analysis, however, suggests that the crusaders of 1212 were not children, but rather were poor persons on the margins of rural society who were thoroughly imbued with the ideals of the cult of apostolic poverty. They believed that after the failure of the armed crusades, God had judged the powers of this world unworthy to rescue the holy places, and had instead made the poor a divine elect to accomplish this task.  相似文献   

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In the spring of 1147 Anglo-Norman and Flemish crusaders set out from Dartmouth in the direction of the Holy Land to take part in the Second Crusade. On their way they participated in the siege of Lisbon (October 1147) and the campaign against Tortosa which finished with the surrender of the city on the last day of 1148. A significant number of crusaders from the British Isles settled in Tortosa and its environs after the successful campaign, appearing in the documents as Angli, Anglici and Angles. The article describes the archival information for the role of these Anglo-Norman crusaders in the settlement of the region. They received grants from Count Ramon Berenguer IV, transferred real property, entered into credit and loan agreements, and established patrimonies. Many of the English settlers became part of the ruling oligarchy in the early years of feudal Tortosa, entering into transactions with the leading ecclesiastical and lay powers.  相似文献   

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Early Irish communities of religious women have never been adequately studied. However, Irish hagiography, unique among medieval saints' lives because of the incidental details it offers, provides much evidence about nuns and nunneries. Because the Irish saints' lives were written by monks, this information also reveals the monastic attitude towards nuns. Hagiography shows that many nunneries were established before the seventh century. But these communities began to disappear soon after, so that today only the location of a dozen or so are known to historians.Women's religious communities disappeared for a combination of reasons, political, social, economic, and spiritual. Secular society was hostile towards these communities from the start because they consumed a resource considered precious by men: unmarried women. Male ecclesiastics held an ambiguous attitude towards nuns and nunneries. They believed that women could attain salvation as well as themselves. Yet the entire church hierarchy of Ireland was dominated by supposedly celibate men, whose sacral functions and ritual celibacy were threatened by women, especially women's sexuality. Hagiography expressed this threat with the theme of sinful, lustful nuns; even the spirituality of women vowed to chastity and poverty was suspect. This attitude affected the structure, organization, and eventually the survival of women's monastic enclosures in early Ireland.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article investigates the family backgrounds of aristocratic participants in the First Crusade. Through an examination of these it explores the ways in which their decision to join the crusade was influenced by the examples of the previous generation of conquerors, the participants in the invasion of Sicily in 1061, the expeditions to England in 1066 and the conflicts on the Iberian peninsula. In this way it opens a discussion about the motives and expectation of the First Crusaders. It argues that dreams of conquest and the desire to match an older generation’s martial and political achievements may have been as important a factor in motivating crusaders as religious ideals.  相似文献   

16.
Gillian Smith  David Crane   《考古杂志》2018,175(2):255-291
The article reports on a newly re-discovered fragment of a recumbent effigial slab commemorating Abbot Hywel (‘Howel’), most likely an abbot of the Cistercian house of Valle Crucis, near Llangollen (Denbighs.). The slab was probably carved very early in the fourteenth century, and could have covered the abbot’s burial place. The stone was dislocated and fragmented at an unknown point in the abbey’s history, and most likely removed from the site during the nineteenth-century clearance of the abbey ruins. It was briefly reported on in 1895 and has been lost to scholarship subsequently.

If indeed from Valle Crucis, the stone is the only known effigial slab commemorating a Cistercian abbot from Wales, and a rare example from Britain. Given that few similar Cistercian abbatial monuments have been identified from elsewhere, the ‘Smiling Abbot’, although only a fragment, is a significant addition to the known corpus of later medieval mortuary monuments. The article discusses the provenance, dating, identification and significance of the monument, including the abbot’s distinctive smile. The stone sheds new light on mortuary and commemorative practice at Valle Crucis Abbey in the early fourteenth century.  相似文献   


17.
At the beginning of the crusade movement, two groups of official terms appeared that designated and defined crusaders. One group of terms reflected the pilgrimage while the other reflected the symbolism of the cross. The terminology that employed the symbolism of the cross increased in frequency of use and culminated in the clearest of medieval terms for crusaders, crucesignatus. The way in which various popes applied, and refrained from applying, clear crusade terms to actual military conflicts suggests a way to sort out which conflicts they meant to be genuine crusades. This sorting out also tells us something about the changes in papal conceptions of the crusade.  相似文献   

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The Bellême family were among the most important of the new families to emerge in the unsettled conditions of northern France in the tenth century. They illustrate well the manner in which those families extended their influence at the expense of declining central authorities. The nature of their relations with their overlords, the counts of Maine and the dukes of Normandy, is examined and a new chronology proposed for the complex divisions of estates among the family. It is suggested that family quarrels of the 1040s and 1050s seriously weakened their position and that the lordship was easily dominated by Geoffrey Martel, count of Anjou, the most powerful figure in mid-eleventh century northern France. A reversal is traced in the pro-Angevin sympathies of Bishop No of Sées, the last surviving male member of the family, after the failure of the coalition of Angevins and Capetians against the duke of Normandy in 1054. However, it was not until the estates of the family were eventually reunited in 1071 on the succession of Ivo's niece, Mabel, and her Norman husband, that the lordship came completely under the influence of the ascendant Normandy.  相似文献   

20.
At the beginning of the crusade movement, two groups of official terms appeared that designated and defined crusaders. One group of terms reflected the pilgrimage while the other reflected the symbolism of the cross. The terminology that employed the symbolism of the cross increased in frequency of use and culminated in the clearest of medieval terms for crusaders, crucesignatus. The way in which various popes applied, and refrained from applying, clear crusade terms to actual military conflicts suggests a way to sort out which conflicts they meant to be genuine crusades. This sorting out also tells us something about the changes in papal conceptions of the crusade.  相似文献   

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