日本学界各流派的日美同盟论争

日美同盟之于日本国家安全与国家大战略的合法性与合理性问题,在冷战后成为日本国是论争的核心。日美同盟的地位与作用、形式与结构、进程与前景的论争,仍是当前日美两国无法回避的课题。本文依据日本学者的日美同盟观与同盟前景的预测,在有限区分几个有代表性的学派或流派的基础上,对日本国内的同盟论争进行了整体性的归纳和梳理,力图通过日本国内的议论揭示出冷战后日美双边同盟面临的困境与问题,从而对日美同盟的维持与变革问题的思索提供一点有益的参考。     

重筑战略平台——对《日美安全保障联合宣言》的解读

1996年《日美安全保障联合宣言》发布,日美同盟关系在冷战后结束"漂流状态",并确了以提升日本在政治、军事、安全、经济等方面的国际地位与影响力作为主要目标,以"维护亚太地区和平安全作为主要任务"。[1]250但重筑的同盟关系能走多远?亚太地区格局又将如何演变?本文试图通过对《日美安全保障联合宣言》的解读,来回答上述疑问。     

哲拉德事件与驻日美军司法管辖权处理

在20世纪50年代美日同盟关系调整的特殊时期,为赢得日本对两国同盟关系尤其是对美国的信任,为规避哲拉德事件可能给美国海外尤其是亚洲驻军地位带来的负面影响,艾森豪威尔政府灵活处理了哲拉德事件与驻日美军司法管辖权之间的矛盾关系。美国政府对此事件的决策过程表明:日本政府对两国同盟关系的新诉求和日本民众对驻日美军犯罪行为的愤怒情绪,是致使美国军方按既定方式处理哲拉德事件并致其复杂化的外部因素;美国决策者们不情愿让日本拥有处置驻日美军问题主导权的心理,是导致哲拉德事件复杂化的主要原因;美国国会议员和社会舆论则是导致美国政府在哲拉德事件上左右摇摆的重要因素。     

论澳大利亚参与朝鲜战争的原因

从外交演进的轨迹来看,澳大利亚参与朝鲜战争是谋求在地区乃至国际性事务中发挥积极建设性作用,并树立英联邦国家的自主外交形象。广义地分析,澳大利亚参加朝鲜战争是西方资本主义阵营对社会主义阵营采取的敌对行动。从狭义的角度来理解,澳大利亚参与朝鲜战争是为了消弥澳大利亚与美国之间的分歧,密切与美关系,其最终目的就是为建立澳美同盟创造条件。     

日英同盟解体的原因及其对日本的影响

《四国协约》生效后日英同盟协定自动失效,同盟宣告解体。从表面原因来看,日英同盟解体是日美矛盾发展到军备竞赛的激烈程度致使美国成压力图与美国保持友好关系的英国放弃与日本的结盟,以避免英美之间直接军事冲突的结果。但从根本上来说,任何两国之间的国家利益不可能长久地保持一致并维持永久性同盟关系,从这个角度出发,审视同盟的解体则是日英两国的国家利益产生矛盾和冲突,以致在同盟范围内无法进行协调的结果。本文即从日英同盟解体的根本原因入手,分析了同盟解体及其对日本产生的影响。     

《澳新美同盟条约》对新西兰外交和防务政策的影响——基于冷战时代的考量

《澳新美同盟条约》是新西兰与非英联邦国家签订的第一个防务同盟条约。该条约的签订对其外交和防务政策产生了重要影响。冷战期间,它不仅加强了新西兰与美澳之间的外交和防务联系,提升了自身的防务能力,而且强化了新西兰参与地区性事务的愿望,同时与昔日对手日本的关系也不得不做出适时的调整。当然,必须强调的是,与美国的同盟关系并没有从根本上动摇新西兰对英联邦集体防御机制的信任,新西兰与英国传统的密切关系并未在根本上受到损害。     

日本对德结盟述论

尽管日本的对德结盟政策实施于20世纪30、40年代,但日本的对德结盟论出现在19世纪末、20世纪初,它经历了三个阶段。日德同盟的建立经历了准同盟时期和同盟时期。在日德同盟构建前后,从结盟的角度来看,日本存在着另一种结盟构想:利用德国与苏联的关系,调整日本与苏联的关系,如果有可能,缔结日苏同盟,从而进一步缔结更大的日德意苏四国同盟。     

《日美相互合作及安全保障条约》新论

《日美相互合作及安全保障条约》(一般称为新《日美安保条约》)标志着美日关系发展的新阶段。美国将修改《日美安保条约》作为确保自由使用冲绳军事基地的手段,而日本将其作为争取返还冲绳的重要途径。新《日美安保条约》确定了“事前协商”制,又保留了种种“例外”。新《日美安保条约》在适用范围问题上采取了“日本本土”与“远东”并用的方式。这一切都体现了美日两国战略利益的差异与汇合。     

第一次石油危机中日本对中东政策的转折

在第一次石油危机期间,中东产油国把石油武器不仅对准支持以色列的美国等国家,也对准了持“中立”政策的日本等国家。日本一方面面临中东产油国不断加大压力,国内经济出现混乱,另一方面担心得罪美国而影响日美同盟关系,不敢轻举妄动。最后,为了维持以石油为主要能源的日本经济正常运转,日本政府不得不放弃“中立”政策,转而公开支持阿拉伯国家正义事业,并且提供巨额资金及技术援助中东有关国家,加强与中东有关国家关系,确保中东石油平稳供应。     

同盟困境与美日同盟--日本的同盟政策分析

同盟是一个利益的共同体也是一个战争扩散的通道,同盟困境所显现的是同盟国间基于国家理性,围绕着利益、权力、地位等问题进行讨价还价的政策选择行为上的合作与冲突。本文以日美同盟的战后发展过程为主线,以美日政策互动为核心,考察了各个时期日本维系同盟政策行为的根源,并在同盟框架内对不同政策的相关性进行了部分梳理。     

试析春秋盟誓对春秋时人的影响及时人对盟誓与盟主的评价

本文依据《左传》等史料 ,对春秋时期盟誓对时人的影响 ,以及时人对盟誓和盟主的评价进行了分析 ,认为它突出表现在春秋时人常称引某些盟誓 ,而其对盟誓的态度表现为或赞扬、或批评、或失望 ,对盟主的态度表现为设定了许多成为盟主的不同标准。     

‘An ally for all the years to come’: why Australia is not a conflicted US ally

In 2011, Australia communicated a clear choice about its strategic future. It would continue to cleave tightly to the US alliance, expand its military links and work to advance the USA's conception of regional order. Given its economic interests, why has Australia bound itself to the US alliance? What lies behind this strong commitment and what would it take for Australia to change its relationship with the USA? This article presents an analysis of the current state of the US–Australia alliance and argues that Canberra's pursuit of close relations with the USA reflects the interaction of a rational calculation of the costs and benefits of the alliance with a set of resolutely political factors that have produced the current policy setting. The article first assesses the security cost and benefit behind the alliance. It then argues that the move also derives from the strong domestic support for the US alliance, a sharpened sense that China's rise was generating regional instability that only the US primacy could manage and the realisation that the economic fallout of such a move would be minimal. It concludes with a brief reflection on what it might take to change the current policy settings.     

持久的不均衡:战后美日、美韩联盟比较研究

美日、美韩联盟自其在冷战中形成以来,便在美国的亚太联盟战略考量中具有不均衡的地位。美日联盟长期以来是美国亚太战略的核心,具有更高的战略和政治价值,而美韩联盟则更多的是一种军事联盟,主要目的是为了对付直接的军事威胁。缘此,在后冷战时代,美日、美韩联盟继续呈现出不同的演变方式,美日联盟继续深化扩展,而美韩联盟则表现出越来越漂移不定的状态。     

Underplaying the ‘Okinawa card’: how Japan negotiates its alliance with the United States

The US military bases in the Japanese prefecture of Okinawa have long been a source of domestic political opposition to the US–Japan alliance. As an alliance management issue, the ongoing troubles surrounding the bases raise questions as to when and why states adopt particular bargaining strategies when dealing with allies. Why, for instance, has the Japanese government not made greater use of this ‘Okinawa card’ when negotiating alliance issues with the USA? Even though highlighting particular domestic problems as a part of a negotiating strategy (known as tying hands) should appeal to a weaker ally such as Japan, this article argues that in the Okinawan case the reverse has been true. Japan has generally, though not always, sought to minimise or downplay domestic opposition to its alliance agreements, essentially preferring a cutting-slack to a tying-hands approach. The Japanese experience suggests that when states which are directly dependent on an alliance for their security see their security environment as unstable, they view tying-hands strategies as too likely to undermine their bargaining credibility. Maintaining credibility is important in an alliance bargaining context because it is a way for such states to signal their commitment to an alliance and so guard against abandonment.     

中苏同盟与战略利益的选择

中苏同盟是战后雅尔塔格局的产物 ,同时又对这一格局的发展产生了重要影响。中苏同盟的演变反映了战后国际关系的深刻变化 ,其实质则是中苏在战略利益上的选择。本文从战后国际格局和国家利益的角度 ,对中苏在结盟中的战略利益选择问题作了分析     

从温县盟书谈中国古代盟誓制度

所谓盟誓 ,指人们用言辞共相约束。盟誓的言辞 ,《左传》称之为“载书”。盟与誓有时是有差别的。《礼记·曲礼》说 :“约信曰誓 ,莅牲曰盟。”盟是两个人、两个集团及其以上之间的行为 ,通常采用神秘的仪式。就是说举行盟礼 ,要杀牲歃血以表示神圣与庄重。中国古代对血有所崇拜 ,先民有血祭的习俗 ,牲血被认为有避除邪恶的功能。一件器物新成 ,要涂以牲血叫“衅”。盟誓用口饮血 ,叫“歃血” ,是取信于神的一种仪式。盟多由掌权者主持 ,称为“盟主” ,而且盟是用于加强外交 ,巩固内部秩序的重要手段。誓则常见于军旅主帅誓师、祭祀、诉讼及…     

The China factor in the US–South Korea alliance: the perceived usefulness of China in the Korean Peninsula

Over the past 10 years, South Korea has chosen inconsistent strategies with respect to the US–South Korea alliance. On the one hand, Seoul disagreed with Washington about the extended role of United States Forces Korea and the deployment of US missile defence systems in East Asia. On the other hand, these problems ironically coincided with South Korea's strong support for the USA in operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. What explains the inconsistency of South Korea's alliance policies? Major schools of thought in international relations have offered explanations, but their analyses are deficient and indeterminate. This article looks at the South Korea–China–North Korea triangle as a new approach to explaining the puzzling behaviour of South Korea. The model shows that South Korea's alliance policies are driven by two causal variables. First, North Korea is an impelling force for South Korea to remain as a strong US alliance partner. This encourages Seoul to maintain cooperation with Washington in wide-ranging alliance tasks. Second, South Korea's policies are likely to reflect the way the nation perceives how useful China is in taming North Korea. The perceived usefulness of China causes Seoul to accommodate China and decrease cooperation with the USA. This might strain the relationship with the USA should South Korea evade alliance missions that might run contrary to China's security interests.     

Substantiating the cohesion of the post-cold war US–Japan alliance

Notwithstanding current disarray, the post-cold war US–Japan alliance has enjoyed its most cohesive status in its history. Japan altered its passive cold war alliance policy and became a more active and equal partner with the United States. Even though there exist many explanations of what has caused this cohesiveness, there is hardly any attempt to substantiate the level of alliance cohesion itself. The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate the cohesion of this alliance by employing concrete operational indicators: homogeneity in goals, threat perception, strategic compatibility and command structure. By investigating how these operational indicators have changed over time, the author proves substantially that the post-cold war US–Japan alliance has developed more cohesively.     

旅行社战略联盟问题研究

战略联盟不失为增强我国旅行社整体竞争力的有效手段,本文就旅行社的战略联盟问题进行了探讨,提出组建战略联盟的必要性和主要形式。