共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 343 毫秒
1.
正武汉会战,是抗日战争时期中国军队在武汉地区同日本侵略军展开的一场会战。传统观点认为:武汉会战大致是从1938年6月12日日军侵占安庆到同年10月25日中国守军主动放弃武汉,历时4个多月。而我们根据日本方面的史料,认为武汉会战应从1938年4月24日安徽省和县保卫战开始,这就将武汉会战的时间,提前了一个多月,即历时6个月有余。此前,这场和县保卫战未见中文文献记载,似已"消失"。近20年来,互联网加纸质媒体,扩大了抗日女英雄或称最美抗日女英雄成本华的影响,传播了 相似文献
2.
3.
蒋介石排兵布阵武汉会战是抗日战争中中日双方投入兵力最多、延续时间最长的一次战略性战役,是国民党正面战场最大的会战。此次会战始于1938年6月12日安庆失守,至1938年10月25日蒋介石撤离武汉为止。 相似文献
4.
发生于1938年的武汉会战(中国方面一般称武汉保卫战),是抗日战争时期国民政府军队正面战场20余次会战中的最著名会战之一,亦为中国反侵略战争史上规模最大的一次战役。这次大会战投入兵力最多、作战地域最广、持续时间最长,沉重地打击了日本侵略者,使抗日战争结束战略防御阶段而转入战略相持阶段前期。对于这一重大历史事件,近十余年,史学界虽然陆续有一些论文发表,但其视角较为狭窄,史料多为第二手资料,有些观点仍欠公允。敖文蔚撰著、广西师范大学出版社出版的《兵火奇观——武汉保卫战》(以下简称《武汉保卫战》),以开阔的… 相似文献
5.
1938年6月至10月间的武汉会战,是整个抗战时期规模最大、作战地域最广、持续时间最长、投入兵力最多的一次战役。中国军民经过4个半月的浴血奋战,彻底粉碎了日本“速战速决”的战略企图。此后,抗日战争进入战略相持阶段。
武汉会战,是中华民族抗战史上的辉煌一页,同时也是武汉城市史上的辉煌一页。值此武汉会战70周年之际,本刊特辑录了部分那段历史的亲历者与见证人的血火记忆.以飨读者,并以此表达我们对中华英烈们的崇敬和怀念之情。 相似文献
6.
7.
正抗战全面爆发后,上海、南京相继失守,到了1938年初,中日双方的绞杀集中到了第五战区的徐州境内。第五战区司令是桂系大佬李宗仁,自然,第三十一军就成为了他手中攻防的王牌。第三十一军相继参加了徐州会战和武汉会战。桂南会战武汉会战结束,第三十一军调往广西桂林进行整训。1939年,国民党军调整部队建制,第三十一军改隶第十六集团军,军长韦云淞。下辖第一三一师,师长贺维珍;第一三五师,师长苏祖馨;第一八八师,师长莫德宏。 相似文献
8.
正滕县保卫战是徐州会战中至关重要的一场战役。数千川军将士誓死守卫滕县,为台儿庄大战的胜利争取了宝贵的时间。滕县保卫战是抗战期间,正面战场上唯一以少战多、以弱战强的战役,也是抗战史上悲壮的战役之一。这次战役,国共两党都给予了高度评价。1938年春,侵华日军矶谷、板垣两师团大举南犯,以台儿庄为会师目标,准备与北犯的日军夹击徐州。矶谷师团沿津浦路南下, 相似文献
9.
10.
抗日战争全面爆发后,1938年5月底6月初,从日军攻安庆至10月25日武汉失陷的近5个月时间,中国第五战区长官李宗仁和第九战区长官陈诚,发动130个师及海空军各一部,共约100万人,以伤亡40万人的代价,进行了第四次大会战——武汉会战。 相似文献
11.
12.
13.
《Asiaweek》1992,18(34):25-27
The Philippine government's position on aggressive population management is in conflict with the Catholic Church's opposition to artificial means of birth control, particularly sterilization. The Episcopal Commission for Family Life plans to increase its campaign against contraception at their local level. The government effort through the Department of health will provide access to contraception in a network of 600 hospitals and 1500 rural health units. Government support comes from 2 Protestant churches, the Church of Christ, which is the largest independent church in the Philippines, and the United Church of Christ. Leaders of both churches gave the Minister of Health letters of support which stated that family planning (FP) was necessary to curb population growth which was too high, and China and Thailand are countries which are economically better off with population planning. The government position is similar to former President Corazon Aquino's. The new President, Fidel Ramos, is a protestant and wants economic prosperity for the Philippines; part of the formula for achieving economic growth is slowing population growth. There is limited resources in a sluggish economy and the push for zero population growth can be accomplished through effective contraception. The birth rate fuels poverty is the position of Juan Flavier, Health Secretary. Annual population growth is 2.3% and family size is 4.8/couple while agricultural growth is only 1%. The ideal family size recommended is 2 children/family. The Philippine Commission on Population in its 6-year plan is hoping to obtain 200 million in foreign aid and involve a larger network of nongovernmental organizations. Choice is the key component. Women need to be convinced that birth spacing will reduce maternal and infant mortality. Flavier has reassured Cardinal Jaime Sin of the Catholic Church that Natural methods or the rhythm method would be taught. Health experts argue that the discipline and sacrifice necessary for effective natural methods is lacking. 相似文献
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
Jeffrey D. Hockett 《Journal of Supreme Court History》2003,28(1):30-53
Constitutional scholars have given few Supreme Court rulings the attention that they have lavished upon the celebrated decision in Brown v. Board of Education . Yet the literature of public law is surprisingly unedifying with regard to the process by which the desegregation decision achieved iconic status in American legal culture. Scholarly inattentiveness to the history of Brown's reputation is startling, given that southern politicians were not the only persons in 1954 to characterize the decision as a manifest instance of judicial legislation. Even persons sympathetic to desegregation conceded that the Justices had circumvented traditional legal constraints in rendering Brown . In the years immediately following the ruling, some scholars appealed to the notion of a "living Constitution" to defend Brown against charges that it conflicted with the original understanding of the Fourteenth Amendment and with the "separate but equal" doctrine that the Court had established in Plessy v. Ferguson . But critics, some of whom even accepted the concept of the "living Constitution," also challenged the Court's reading of social fact—that is, its claims regarding the inherent inequality of segregated schools—which supposedly justified judicial recognition of a right that conflicted with precedent and with the intentions of the Framers of the Equal Protection Clause. 相似文献