越南女神柳杏公主汉喃文献考索

越南母道信仰蓬勃,其中柳杏公主被誉为第一女神,香火鼎盛。本文依序考察越南女神——柳杏公主的各种越南汉喃文献资料（包含笔记、小说、仙传、神敕、神迹、玉谱、降笔、对联、题诗、演音、嘲文、显灵传说、民间故事等）,探索柳杏公主故事的发展演变之迹,以藉此呈现越南母道信仰的丰富多釆,并彰显越南汉文小说（如《传奇新谱》）与越南民间信仰关系深厚之一端。此外,本文还注意到受中国道教影响的越南柳杏公主信仰,甚至回传到广西京族来,这也是中越两国道教文化密切交流的一项明证。     

福音教与越南的民族分离问题

越南不仅是一个有着54个民族的多民族国家,而且也是一个宗教信仰多样化的国家。据统计,在该国7680万(1998年)总人口中约有1／5的公民是宗教信徒,他们信奉的宗教主要有佛教、天主教、福音教(即基督新教)、道教、伊斯兰教及本土产生的高台教、和好教等。这种多民族与多宗教构成决定了越南的民族问题往往是和宗教因素纠缠在一起的。目前,越南的民族、宗教问题主要表现为北部的赫蒙人争取建立“赫蒙(苗)共和国”的独立运动、中部西原少数民族的“德伽自治国”运动和南部高棉人的“下高棉(Khmer Krom)”独立运动。需要指出的是,福音教在越南虽然只有近一个世纪的历史,信徒也仅40万人左右,但该宗教因素已深深渗入到越南一些偏远地区的少数民族问题当中,在北部赫蒙人及中部西原少数民族的民族分离运动中更是起着推波助澜的作用,并使越南的民族问题、宗教问题和国际关系交织在一起,呈现出长期性和复杂性。     

山西道教建筑的价值特色

道教是中国原生的本土宗教,在山西保留了大量的道教建筑,是研究道教文化及道教发展的重要实物。在山西,道教建筑分布广泛,类型丰富,遍布全省各个地区。山西道教建筑全国之最较多,道教诸神的信仰种类齐全。     

探赜索隐 古代道教经幢钩沉

<正>道教经幢是以道教信仰为中心,在吸收传统丝帛质幢、幡后,又在唐代佛教经幢带动下而兴起,更在皇权政令推动下率先流行于全国。道教经幢作为道教文化遗迹,虽然数量有限,但却是道教碑刻的典型形式,并在古代石幢中占有重要地位。大概由于道教经幢数量少及佛教经幢率先兴起的缘故,目前学术界通常站在佛教文化领域,将道教经幢视为佛教经幢的产物,并进行捎带性陈述。缺乏在道教视野中对道教经幢予以独立探索。随着道教考古新发现以及道教碑刻文献整理的推进,一些道教经幢得以重现于世,虽然道教经幢的总量仍十分有限,但却足以支撑在道教信仰视角下,对古代道教经幢进行一次有益的探索。     

魏晋南北朝道观藏书

正道教是中国土生土长的宗教,道经作为传播道教的典籍和道教文化的载体,可以说历史久远,根深叶茂。东汉魏晋南北朝时期,是原始道教从民间兴起,并逐步演变发展为成熟的官方正统宗教时期,与之同步发展,道教典籍也与日俱增。道教的宫观藏书,开始于晋宋之际,并随着道教的发展而日臻完善,成为我国古代藏书的重要组成部分。一、东汉的道教与道经中国道教的前史特别长,其创教活动分散而缓慢,道教的产生过程是多源的和     

葛洪交趾丹道之行考论

葛洪因早年平贼旧功,东晋时被再荐重任。因仰慕交趾富产丹砂和仙药,心系丹鼎的葛洪贱求勾漏令,希求在交趾"炼丹以祈遐寿"。葛洪远赴交趾的丹道之行由于史载不一而历来颇有争议。根据《太清金液神丹经》中的《抱朴子序述》及前人相关研究成果,葛洪在晚暮之年确曾不顾鄙俗毁誉而南下交趾弘道传教,对丹鼎派道教南传越南作出了重要的历史贡献。     

葛洪交趾丹道之行考论

葛洪因早年平贼旧功,东晋时被再荐重任。因仰慕交趾富产丹砂和仙药,心系丹鼎的葛洪贱求勾漏令,希求在交趾"炼丹以祈遐寿"。葛洪远赴交趾的丹道之行由于史载不一而历来颇有争议。根据《太清金液神丹经》中的《抱朴子序述》及前人相关研究成果,葛洪在晚暮之年确曾不顾鄙俗毁誉而南下交趾弘道传教,对丹鼎派道教南传越南作出了重要的历史贡献。     

中国道教名山旅游发展研究——武当山与青城山的比较分析

道教文化旅游是中国旅游中较有特色的一个旅游品牌,山丘型的道教名山凭借其优美的自然风光、深厚的道教文化底蕴以及养生休闲功能越来越受到游客的热捧。对道教名山--武当山与青城山道教旅游开发进行对比,并着重分析青城山道教旅游资源开发过程中出现的问题并提出合理化建议,加快青城山道教旅游胜地的发展步伐。道教作为中国唯一的本土宗教,在我国有着深远的文化渊源,与道教有关的旅游资源数量庞大而且分布广泛。山岳型道教名山的宗教文化底蕴深厚,不仅涵盖宫观、古遗址、古建筑等物质形态的旅游资源,也承载着道教音乐、武功、法式、民     

论述道教对中国古代墓葬活动的影响

东汉时期道教创立,追求长生不老和修仙之术,引起了上至皇帝下至百姓的推崇。随着道教的兴盛,道教的神仙思想、阴阳学说、道教四神及仙鹤等有道教色彩的元素都出现在人们的墓葬中。本文重点从三方面论述:一,道教对墓葬中汉画像石艺术的影响,汉画像石中西王母及东王公形象的多次出现;二,丧葬活动中道教的参与,道教文书或道符文字在陪葬品中的出现;三,富有道教色彩的用于镇墓或代表祥瑞的神兽仙禽的出现。通过这三方面的论述,阐明道教对人们墓葬活动的重大影响。     

敦煌道教的世俗化之路--道教向具注历日的渗透

敦煌历日有一个鲜明的特点,就是历注中拥有丰富的道教内容;而在900年以后,道教内容又有大幅度的增加。本文在整理、统计、归纳敦煌具注历日中宗教方术内容和辨析其是否属于道教范围的基础上,考察认为,道教对具注历日的渗透反映了吐蕃占领时期和归义军时期敦煌道教的世俗化发展;敦煌具注历日是道教走向民众的桥梁;道教向历日的渗透对研究这一时期的敦煌道教历史、敦煌民俗文化,认识道教作为本民族文化的根本特征及诸多相关问题具有重要意义。     

Vietnamese Aging and Marital Sexual Behavior in Comparative Perspective

This study examines marital sexual activity in relation to age and its significance for marital relationships in Vietnam with particular attention to older persons. Results are compared with Thailand and the US. Two regional surveys provide the first quantitative assessment of marital sex in Vietnam. As elsewhere, marital sexual activity declines with age. At older ages, substantial proportions of married Vietnamese are sexually inactive. Levels of activity among older Vietnamese and Thais are remarkably similar and substantially lower than in the US. Contrary to US studies, the frequency of sexual activity shows little relationship to marital satisfaction and harmony in Vietnam. Possible explanations for these differences are discussed in terms of biases in the data, differences in health and living arrangements, and societal, cultural and normative contexts. We speculate that a main reason underlying the differences is a lesser societal emphasis on sex in general and on the importance of sexual and physical intimacy in marital relationships in Vietnam and Thailand than in the US.     

中国与奠边府战役

50多年前的奠边府战役,是越南抗法战争中具有决定性意义的重大战役。中国对奠边府战役的胜利作出了重大贡献,主要表现在以下四个方面:在中国军事顾问的直接帮助下,越南人民军迅速发展壮大,初步具备了进行大规模攻坚战的能力;中共中央建议以越西北为主要战略方向并为越方采纳,这是越南人民军得以顺应敌情变化、举行奠边府战役的重要前提条件之一;中共中央、中央军委和中国军事顾问对奠边府战役的各个环节都提出过重要建议,对确保战役的胜利起了重大作用;由中国人民解放军帮助训练的越南炮兵、高射炮兵部队及时回国参加奠边府战役,中国援助的武器装备和其他军用、民用物资及时运到越南,满足了奠边府战役的需要。     

Leaving Vietnam: Nixon,Kissinger and Ford, 1969–1975, Part two: January 1972–January 1973

Although anticipated, the North Vietnamese ‘Easter offensive’ against South Vietnam in 1972 created problems for the United States. Having reached a rapprochement with Communist China, President Nixon and his foreign policy adviser, Henry Kissinger, believed that the attack could have serious repercussions for their attempt to balance it with détente with the Soviet Union, not to mention the US's credibility as a Great Power. They also feared it would damage Nixon's prospects for re‐election in November 1972. Despite opposition from his Defense Secretary, Nixon renewed the bombing of North Vietnam which had been stopped by President Johnson in 1968. This helped to bring the North Vietnamese back to the conference table and after complex negotiations, a draft peace agreement was ready for initialling in October 1972. However, President Thieu of South Vietnam saw significant drawbacks in the agreement and refused to go along with it. The North Vietnamese chose to have one more attempt to win on the battlefield and President Nixon, who had scaled down the bombing when peace seemed closer and won a landslide victory in the presidential election, launched another eleven days of concentrated bombing raids on North Vietnam at the turn of the year. This led to the final agreement initialled on 23 January 1973, which President Thieu reluctantly acceded to. Thieu's reservations were justified, but Nixon realized that, despite his electoral victory, he could not count on the continued support of Congress and the American people for the war. Far from bringing ‘peace with honor in Vietnam and Southeast Asia’, the January agreement was a fig leaf to cover American withdrawal.     

‘A Billion Dollar Racket’: the United States,South Vietnam,and Global Currency Manipulation during War, 1968–9

While most historians have discussed corruption as a key factor leading to South Vietnam's downfall, they have not fully analysed the US and international dimensions of South Vietnamese corruption. This article argues that economic, political, and diplomatic circumstances of the Vietnam War encouraged widespread US participation in currency manipulation, an economically destructive form of corruption that had serious implications for the stability of the South Vietnamese state. The US inability to shape South Vietnam's setting of the official exchange rate allowed South Vietnam to overvalue the piaster at the cost of US taxpayers. Combined with the structural economic problems produced by the war, such as inflation, the favourable exchange rate encouraged Americans, Vietnamese, Indians, Chinese, Koreans, and other internationals to make quick profits through illegal transactions. From bookstores in Saigon to banks in Hong Kong, Dubai, and New York, currency manipulation involved a host of individuals and organisations around the globe. Although many critics of the war cited South Vietnamese corruption in their arguments for US withdrawal, congressional investigation into currency manipulation revealed that without the direct contributions of US soldiers and civilians, the magnitude of illegal economic transactions would not have existed as it did.     

Lyndon Johnson's War? Part 1: Escalation

At the beginning of 1964 there were around 20,000 US military ‘advisers’ in South Vietnam, working alongside the South Vietnamese army in the latter's campaign against the communist guerrillas, led and supplied by the government of North Vietnam. By the summer of 1965 there were 125,000 American troops in the country, with more pledged for future deployment. Most of these were not ‘advisers’, but combat forces openly engaged in fighting the communists. In addition, since March 1965, a sustained American bombing campaign had been waged against targets in North Vietnam. This transformation in the nature of the American commitment to South Vietnam had been brought about by two factors: the continued weakness of South Vietnamese governments as military and civilians struggled for control; and the growing strength and success of the communist guerrillas. South Vietnam was regarded as a vital American interest for two reasons: it was perceived as a test of US resolution throughout the rest of the world; and, following the famous ‘domino theory’, it was believed that the loss of South Vietnam to communism would precipitate the weakening and eventual collapse of other non‐communist states in the region. Although there was opposition to the escalation of the war, both in Congress and the administration, there were also voices notably in the military, who wished to press on further and faster. The administration adopted a middle course, gradually increasing its commitment and continually planning for the next step. Although political motives undoubtedly played a part in this more measured approach—there was a presidential election in November 1964—it is clear that President Johnson was not at all convinced that any policy he chose would save South Vietnam. At the same time, he feared the consequences of withdrawal, both at home and abroad. A deeply insecure man, he allowed himself to be persuaded by his principal advisers, to whom he felt indebted for personal as well as political reasons.     

Building a Venture Capital Market in Vietnam: Diffusion of a Neoliberal Market Strategy to a Socialist State

Abstract

Vietnam’s venture capital (VC) industry took shape in the late 1990s during a period of exceptional economic growth in the country and the development of its high-technology sector. High growth rates and technological advances have typically coincided with both strong VC market activity and state support of equity financing. This, however, has not been the case in Vietnam. In this article a policy diffusion framework is used to investigate the international and domestic origins of Vietnam’s nascent VC policies, and how they became part of the agenda of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) as credit-based, rather than equity-based, solutions. The article argues that Vietnam’s heterodox approach to VC policy results from both external forces from donors and from domestic factors. In particular, Vietnamese policymakers have a preference for credit-based SME financing solutions and Vietnam’s official development assistance providers diffuse expertise on loans, not equity investments, to the Socialist Republic. The only donors recommending VC and equity-based financing in Vietnam have gone “around the state” rather than through it by working directly with the private sector. As a result, Vietnam’s SME financing initiatives have significantly diverged from international VC policy patterns.     

Solidarity within limits: Interkit and the evolution of the Soviet Bloc’s Indochina policy, 1967–1985

This article examines how Interkit, the Soviet-controlled ‘anti-China International’, evaluated the development of Sino-Indochinese relations, and which contribution the Vietnamese and Laotian delegations made to the forum’s meetings. It investigates how the various shifts in Sino-Soviet and Soviet-US relations enhanced or reduced Vietnam’s relative importance in Soviet strategy. It describes how the Kremlin sought to dissuade its East European satellites from responding to Beijing’s overtures by presenting the Sino-Vietnamese conflict as evidence of China’s belligerence, and examines the ideological linkage between Soviet superpower hegemony over Eastern Europe and Vietnamese regional hegemony over Indochina.     

Furthering Mekong ontologies: On China and local uncertainties

In response to Hirsch's “The Shifting Regional Geopolitics of Mekong Dams”, this commentary focuses on two local imaginings of the Mekong River in Cambodia and Vietnam. First, we highlight the role of China in reimagining ownership over mainland Southeast Asia's portion of the river. Second, we consider some of the ways in which the river creates uncertainty over citizenship among Cambodians and Vietnamese living on the river in Vietnam. Our goal in adding these two dimensions to Hirsch's conceptualization is to encourage narratives of the river from the perspective of those living there.     

Promoting solidarity at home and abroad: the goals and tactics of the anti-Vietnam War movement in Britain

This article explores the nature, tactics and effectiveness of the vocal anti-Vietnam war movement in Britain. It focuses on the rhetoric and actions of a range of different groups, from the far-Left Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, to the broad-Left British Council for Peace in Vietnam and the labour movement. It asks how far the anti-war opposition was able to shape both government policy and public debate on the war, and positions the British opposition within its wider global anti-war context. It explores the meanings of solidarity (with the American, or global, anti-war movement or with the North Vietnamese) for the British movement, and it highlights the ultimately domestic focus of the campaign.     

Vietnam's Coastal Communities: An Assessment of Poverty

A Vietnamese geographer examines factors leading to the persistence of poverty in the coastal regions of Vietnam, against the backdrop of the country's overall recent success in poverty amelioration. After reviewing the spatial pattern of poverty for Vietnam as a whole, based on current government statistics, the author contrasts the situation in the country's interior relative to coastal locations, based on a detailed survey of over 200 households in Khanhhoa Province, located in south-central Vietnam. The changing labor market conditions in East Asia are discussed briefly in light of continued poverty reduction in the country. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: D31, I31, O15, P20. 4 figures, 5 tables, 33 references.