我看到了“不知道”与“不喝水”

在澳大利亚这片神奇的土地上,土著人生活的历史已逾万年。可英国人库克第一次登陆的时间,距今只有233 年。库克一上岸,便被那里一种从未见过的动物所吸引,他形容那是用后腿站立的兔子,跳起来却像只鹿,显然他是忽略了那条长长的尾巴。库克指着这些动物、好奇地问土著人:“What is this?”(这是什么动物?)土著人回答:“kangaroo”(土著语:不知道)。土著人的意思显然是“我不知道你在说什么”,库克却以为这就是那种动物的名字,便把这个土著语按谐音写进了大英词典,沿用至今。现在你一定知道了,这种动物就是澳大利亚特有的袋鼠。     

不朽的库克——读《弑君者：把查理一世送上断头台的人》

1649年,英王查理一世被送上断头台,这震撼人心的一刻揭开了人类近代历史的序幕。约翰·库克（JohnCooke）,审讯查理一世的特别法庭的副总检察长,就是我们的主人公。他的控诉词结束了一个时代、开辟了一个时代,他创造了历史却籍籍无名。约翰·库克（JohnCooke）出生于一个社会地位较低的贫穷家庭,父母都是农民,一生为生计劳碌奔波。库克作为“贫困生”在牛津完成了大学教育,读书期间勤俭节约、品行端正,后来进入律师公会学习法律。和当时很多青年一样,他攒钱“壮游”欧陆,眼界大开,信念日增;回来后在格雷律师公会成立了自己的事务所,开始执业。库克的正直品格和清教徒的坚贞信念日益显露,     

库克与复活节岛传说

自从瑞士好事者——探险家兼电影导演万博去年发起新“世界七大奇迹”的评选,这个世界就没怎么消停过。智利总统巴切莱特在广播中很有教养地说,虽然复活节岛的神奇是不需要投票来证明的,但他还是邀请每个人都能在投票结束前为复活节岛投上一票——当然了,支持他的人很多,包括我和库克船长。     

编读往来

用华夏人的眼光观察宇宙空间 用全球人的角度关注华夏人文 曾有人这么评论过“文化”——是一种人与人对话的方式。这是一种很精当的形容。《华夏人文地理》正是通过文化这一交流方式,去发现已经被所谓的现代文明覆盖的文化,寻找其根源.探讨其存在或消亡的可能性。我们的对话平台就是杂志本身。或许我们还年轻.或许我们目前还无法将问题真正看透.     

夏威夷凭吊张学良

被誉为世界天堂的夏威夷,其美丽自不待言。我在1995年底和2003年春,曾两度去夏威夷。去年在我告别夏威夷前,在此安家就业的女儿又一次带我在檀香山各处遨游一圈。后来她又问:"妈妈还想看什么地方?"     

火山夏威夷

2012年11月,我们小两口去了夏威夷的三个岛,夏威夷大岛6天,茂宜岛4天,欧胡岛4天。之前,我对夏威夷的理解和大部分人一样,阳光海滩,椰影斜照;去过大岛以后才知道,原来还有4000多米的火山和宛如月球表面的残酷地貌,可谓是上天入海无所不包。对大球形天文望远镜和极萌态海龟宝宝喜爱得不能自拔的人,不妨就跟随我们别开生面的夏威夷大岛之行,好好过把瘾吧!     

夏威夷观鲸之旅

<正>夏威夷人将座头鲸称为"kohola",一种巨大却温顺的海洋哺乳动物,每年的12月至次年4月可以在夏威夷看到它们。这就是夏威夷之旅中不容错过的精华——夏威夷观鲸之旅。     

永远令人尊敬的楷模——怀念老领导叶以群

<正>著名诗人臧克家在他纪念鲁迅的一首诗中,曾写有这样几句广为流传的诗句:"有的人活着,他已经死了,有的人死了,他还活着……"叶以群同志就属于后一种人,尽管他已辞世40多年了,可他始终活在我们心里。一想起来,他鲜活的音容笑貌,就会清晰地呈现在眼前,一如昨日。     

黑蝴蝶

正"哟!那在干嘛呢?怎么那么多人,咱们去瞧瞧啊!"爱凑热闹的好朋友如画指着班级门前一大群人对我说。那时,我们正在校园里漫无目的地闲逛,见到好多人在那凑热闹,便走上去瞧了瞧。人群中间是我们班有名的调皮鬼嘉伟和一只受了伤的黑蝴蝶。"那只蝴蝶出啥事了?"我问身旁的文静,只见她一脸厌恶的表情,也不知道怎么了。文静告诉我:"刚才嘉伟看见这只蝴蝶在教室门口徘徊,就用扫把将它打了下来。""哦,看来它还没有死呢!"如画说。我看见这只黑蝴蝶的翅膀还在微微颤动,嘉伟一边将手     

绿色城市的别样飞行

自行车的天空在上海土生土长的柯玮佳从小到大一直迷恋自行车。不同的是,小时候他最喜欢父亲的那辆老式28自行车,现在他再欢"死飞"(Fixed GearBike)。fixed Gear Bike又称Track Bike,在中国被称为"死飞"。它源自由Messenger快递工作者而起的快速单车文化,在日本原宿流行后,就开始快速在全世界蔓延,成为都市街头文化的新宠。小柯是上海第一批玩"死飞"的人,他认为"死飞"不是炫,而是一种生活方式。他常常给想玩自行车又     

New Labour’s overseas development aid policy – charity or self-interest?

Robin Cook argued that New Labour’s foreign policy would have ‘ethical dimensions’,(Cook, “Robin Cook’s Speech on the Government’s Ethical Foreign Policy.”) and an assumption is often made, within existing literature, that this is an accurate statement when considering the overseas development agenda of New Labour government’s between 1997 and 2010. Tingley argues that the more left-wing a party, the more likely they are to increase attention on, and funding of, overseas development aid (ODA) projects.(Tingley, “Donors and Domestic Politics.”) This article uses the New Labour governments, from 1997 to 2010, as a case study to test the argument of Tingley and determines that his conclusions are accurate in the case of the UK. This article will then argue, using the work of Breuning that the motivations of the New Labour governments, and the way they conveyed their policy to the electorate changed overtime rather than remaining morally focused for the duration of their time in power.(Breuning, “Words and Deeds.”) By focusing on the rhetoric of the Labour Party, the changes in motivation can be identified in the period 1997–2010, with a distinct move from moral justifications to more self-interested pragmatic reasoning, which confirms Breuning’s argument.     

The death of the right‐to‐die campaigners (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

The ‘right‐to‐die’ or assisted suicide debate in the UK has recently been dominated by high‐profile litigation which has brought to public attention stories of individual suffering. The most recent case is that of Tony Nicklinson who, as a result of his permanent and total paralysis which he said made his life ‘intolerable’, wanted the courts to allow a doctor to end his life. Only six days after a Judicial Review refused his request, Tony died of ‘natural’ causes. This article compares the presentation by the media of Tony's requested death with his actual death and discusses what this reveals more generally about the way in which the right‐to‐die debate is presented to the public. It argues that in a politicised debate in which the personal stories of the disabled‐dying are given airtime because of their didactic or symbolic potential, actual death becomes less important than the rights‐rhetoric surrounding death.     

青海少数民族传统体育文化及发展路径

本文对青海少数民族传统体育文化的内涵与形成、功能与特性以及青海少数民族传统体育文化发展的社会背景进行了梳理和分析,并提出了将青海少数民族传统体育文化作为非物质文化遗产进行保护;将少数民族传统体育项目引入区域各族人民群众全民健身活动之中;通过举办民族运动会发展少数民族传统体育文化等发展路径。     

Captain Cook upon Changing Seas: Indigenous Voices and Reimagining at the British Museum

ABSTRACT

This article reviews the British Museum exhibition, Reimagining Captain Cook: Pacific Perspectives, 29 November 2018–4 August 2019. It situates the exhibition within a global context of exhibitions held around the 250th anniversary of Cook’s first voyage, and critically considers its attempt to reframe dominant narratives surrounding Cook, his voyages and more broadly the colonization of the Pacific through a focus on Pacific Islander perspectives within a changing museum sector.     

I palapala no ia aina – documenting the Hawaiian Kingdom: a colonial venture?

Scholars have suggested that Western surveys and maps were tools used to aid colonizers in the dispossession of native people from their lands. While this was often the case, many surveys conducted and maps produced for the Kingdom of Hawai‘i during the nineteenth century were done by native Hawaiians, with native informants and based largely on traditional palena, or land boundaries. In the midst of considerable socio-political and cultural upheaval, the mapping of the lands of Hawai‘i during this period was largely due to the agency of the Ali‘i (chiefs) and other Hawaiian nationals. It is argued that these adaptations of Western techniques were intentional and strategic attempts to aid in the development of the Hawaiian State and secure national lands. In addition, the surveys conducted and maps produced during these years effectively preserved a considerable body of indigenous knowledge of place.     

A leper in purple: the coronation of Baldwin IV of Jerusalem

Baldwin IV, the leper king of Jerusalem, was one of history's more startling monarchs. His coronation in 1174 has been interpreted as anomalous or, alternatively, as evidence of unique cultural and political trends within the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. Inherent in all these evaluations, however, is the unquestioned acceptance that Baldwin was known to be leprous at the time of his coronation. This is an assumption that is supported by neither medical understandings of the disease, nor by a consideration of the evidence that survives from the period. Though clearly suffering from advanced leprosy at the time of his death, there is nothing to suggest that Baldwin's disease could have been diagnosed prior to his taking the throne and so there is no need to consider his coronation as anything other than a conventional one.     

Norsey Wood

Abstract

A Tudor portrait in Hull was for many years wrongly identified as John Smith, mayor of Hull, but is in fact of John Smythson, Master Cook to Elizabeth I. Smythson was a man of some substance, reasonable wealth and social standing. He lived in Eltham in Kent and several details of his career can be uncovered. The portrait, which is the first surviving picture of a Royal Master Cook, was painted by an accomplished artist who was probably associated with the Court.     

Freethinkers,anarchists and Francisco Ferrer: the making of a transnational solidarity campaign

This article examines the transnational solidarity campaign for Francisco Ferrer, the Catalan anarchist and educator who was sentenced to death for his alleged involvement in Barcelona's ‘Tragic Week’ of 1909. The international scale of the protests against Ferrer's execution was much remarked upon by his contemporaries. While historians have examined both the nature of demonstrations in support of Ferrer and the way in which he was commemorated, they have mostly focused on specific national contexts. This article takes a different approach: it investigates the transnational dimensions of the campaign. It places the protests within the framework of the ‘culture wars’ surrounding church–state relations. These cleavages were inherently transnational, and the structures developed by the international freethought movement, for example, played a significant role in sustaining the Ferrer campaign. The article also draws attention to other factors that shaped the protests and transcended national categories: from widespread images of Spanish ‘despotism’ to the way in which a foreign case could be adopted for domestic political mobilisation.     

Settler nationalism: Ulster unionism and postcolonial theory

Despite the capacity of postcolonial theory to accommodate a wide variety of situations, one area of postcolonial experience still has not received much attention – the experience of non-hegemonic settler colonies, that is settler colonies that did not in the end succeed in dominating native populations politically or culturally. Analysis of the unionist community in Northern Ireland offers a number of refinements to postcolonial theory at the same time that it demonstrates how postcolonial theory can enrich our understanding of non-hegemonic settler populations. While every postcolonial culture, native or settler, is uniquely structured by specific historical circumstances, there are features that many of these cultures share, such as hybridity, estrangement, incommensurability, contradiction, mimicry, miscognition, ambivalence, resistance, and the construction of mythical/historical narratives. The structure of these features, however, differs between native and settler cultures, and it differs in a way that makes one culture the mirror image of the other. This should not be surprising since the same colonial situation produces both native nationalism and settler nationalism, and they are both subject to similar colonial contradictions. Recognising settler nationalism as a legitimate part of postcolonial studies opens up the possibility of exploiting the in-betweenness of settler cultures. Emphasising this in-betweenness, and thus its affinities with native nationalism, suggests that settlers, particularly non-hegemonic settlers, are likely to find more in common with the natives they see themselves in opposition to rather than with the colonisers they identify with.