黔东南推行"林长制"的困境与对策研究

森林对于人类而言是至关重要的自然生态系统,维护着国家生态安全,维系着人民幸福安康,是推进生态文明建设的重要基础.然而,与林草资源发展与保护相关的制度还存在着很大的空白,"林长制"的提出是保护林草资源和生态安全的现实需要,是建设生态文明的重大制度创新与重大举措.因此,"林长制"是问题导向萌发的制度,也可以说"林长制"是因...     

怀柔区雁栖河生态治理项目探究

怀柔区的功能定位是首都北部重点生态保育及区域生态治理协作区;服务国家对外交往的生态发展示范区;绿色创新引领的高端科技文化发展区.通过雁栖河城市生态廊道的实施,构建了"一水润多林"的景观带,为怀柔森林文明城市又添新景.通过河道生态治理,保障了行洪安全、两岸城区安全,保障了水源地涵养,为水源地生态补水打通了通道.通过生态治...     

美国“国家安全国家”的创生

1940年代中期至1950年代末,冷战对美国国家构建产生了重大深远的影响:一种全新的现代美国国家形态——"国家安全国家"——在"为总体冷战而进行总体准备"的过程中被塑造出来。国家安全国家构成对美国主流政治传统的重大偏离,其创生、扩张和演进是冷战时期美国国家构建和总体政治变迁的重要方面。它不仅涉及联邦政府组织体制和对外政策决策程序的重组,也涉及国家和社会关系的重构。国家安全国家的中枢制度和标志是国家安全委员会,其经历的持续变动体现了国家安全国家与"帝王式总统权"之间存在复杂的共生和互动关系。在更广阔的历史背景中,国家安全国家的重大意义在于它与"福利国家"和"管理型国家"共同构成20世纪美国国家构建和国家扩张长期运动的三个基本向度。     

全球化背景下我国生态安全问题及应对措施

生态安全问题是最突出的全球性问题之一,已经成为影响国家安全及人类社会整体生存安全的大问题。我国的生态安全面临着来自国内和国际两方面的双重压力,而且生态安全恶化对我国经济社会的可持续发展带来了极大的负面影响。处理这些问题时,既要从国际环境法的角度加以考虑,又要从国内环境法的角度加以防范。     

石油高校重视培养大学生能源安全意识之我见

国家能源安全是当今世界各国面临的重大课题,能源安全是国家经济安全的保障,是社会稳定的依托。石油高校的学生担负着勘探、开发、运用及保障我国能源的重要使命。在这样一个大环境下,加强对大学生能源安全意识的培养是当前石油高校保证向社会输送专业人才的重要课题。     

俄罗斯生态立法对三江源生态保护立法的启示与借鉴

俄罗斯联邦是世界上进行生态立法较早的国家。其立法进程大体经过了1917年以前、苏维埃政权时期、重新独立以后三个阶段。俄罗斯生态法的内容主要表现在确立生态安全、公民生态权利和义务、生态文化建设、生态鉴定制度等方面。借鉴俄罗斯的生态立法经验,三江源生态保护立法应遵循生态优先,确立生态本位的立法理念,以维护生态秩序,保障生态安全为立法目的,确立公民的生态权利和义务,发挥本土文化的积极作用,确立三江源生态鉴定制度。     

20世纪80年代邓小平国家安全思想论析

20世纪80年代,邓小平继承和发展了毛泽东的国家安全思想,紧紧围绕以经济建设为中心,积极营造有利的国家安全环境,使中国经济迅速发展,综合国力和国际地位不断提升,国家安全得到了切实有力的保障。邓小平的国家安全思想是理性和务实的,适应了当时国内发展任务的需要,对中国的安全战略起过重大的指导作用,也为后来的国家安全决策提供科学的依据和借鉴。     

生态保护是青海重大历史责任

青海省在全国具有重要的生态安全战略地位。在全面推进生态文明建设过程中,加强生态保护,创造更多的生态价值已经成为青海省的重大历史责任。本文从生态巨大价值、文明交替演进两个方面深入阐述了青海省承担的历史重任,并基于处理好"四个方面"的问题,就如何执行好、落实好"生态保护第一"理念提出具体建议。     

试论国家安全体系中的语言安全问题——谈西方的语言霸权倾向与我国国家文化安全策略

在当代国家安全体系中,作为国家安全构成要素之一的文化安全包含了语言文字安全。语言文字以多种形式影响着国家安全,而语言侵略、语言霸权作为文化侵略、文化帝国主义的一种形式,会对国家安全造成不同程度的威胁和危害。因此,在保障国家安全的体系中,语言文字机构和语言文字工作具有独特的地位和作用。     

试论盘龙城国家考古遗址公园规划与利用

<正>盘龙城遗址,是全国重点文物保护单位和二十世纪中国100项考古重大发现之一,也是"十一五"期间就被列入国家大遗址项目库的100处重要遗址之一。在考古发掘与科学研究的基础上,如何保护规划利用一直是盘龙城遗址新时期以来的重大课题。上世纪九十年代初便形成了《盘龙城遗址风景区开发规划》。2006年,在国家《"十一五"期间大遗址保护总体规划》思想指导下,又编制了《盘龙城遗址保护总体规划》,进入"十     

论我国西部开发中的国家安全战略问题

对于一个国家而言,国家安全是生存和发展的核心。在不同的国际秩序中,安全环境的内容和结构具有不同含义。在当代国际政治经济格局下,国家安全的内涵与外延都发生了巨大变化,为国家安全的研究提出了新的课题。本文主要从国家安全的角度,通过分析西部开发在当代我国安全环境中的作用,指出西部大开发不仅要有经济开发战略,而且要树立综合性开发战略意识,加强政治、军事、科技、生态等现代安全因素的开发建设,这对我国国家安全战略更具有现实意义。     

Crossing Khorgos: Soft power,security, and suspect loyalties at the Sino-Kazakh boundary

As China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) development projects deepen connections across Eurasia, the Sino-Kazakh border has been rematerialized in a manner that complicates the exercise of Chinese BRI soft power. On the one hand, the border city of Khorgos is being rebuilt as a bridgehead to facilitate trade and development between the countries; new infrastructure and spectacle at Khorgos and beyond works to entice Kazakhs to cross the border in pursuit of economic opportunities. At the same time, recent crackdowns on Muslims in China's Xinjiang Province has led to the detention and harassment of cross-border migrants with differentiated migrant statuses. Chinese security forces' continued anxieties about separatism in its borderlands imperil the developmental horizons the BRI project uses to entice Kazakhs. It also threatens the translocal development that a border conductive to mobility has provided for Kazakhs over the past thirty years. I argue that the BRI in northwest China fuses soft power rhetoric with territorial security practices in a way that is proving to be counter-productive. This is because border hardening can reactivate borders as “difference condensers” that draw from imperial and national legacies to reinscribe the othering of spaces and peoples beyond the border.     

建国初期"联苏抗美"国防战略思路论析

建国初期"联苏抗美"的国防战略是"一边倒"外交战略的延伸,但不能将两者混淆。"一边倒"外交战略着眼点在于社会制度的一致和意识形态的价值取向,"联苏抗美"的国防战略着眼于国家安全和国防巩固,它的提出既有历史经验的因素,更取决于新中国国家安全环境;它经受了历史的检验,证明是一个符合当时新中国国家安全利益的正确的决策,应给予充分的肯定。     

Preemption contested: Suspect spaces and preventability in the July 7 inquest

The London Coroner's Inquest into the deaths of July 7 2005 unequivocally rejected the notion that the security services could and should have been able to identify the 7/7 perpetrators as potential future terrorists before July 2005. These findings contest powerful post-9/11 security logics of preemption and anticipation that hold that security intervention is logical and desirable in the face of unknown and unspecified threats. This paper analyses the spatio-temporal work conducted in and through the Coroner's Inquest, with a specific focus on its preventability evidence. The Inquest provides a rich archive in which the potentialities for intervention and preemption, and concomitant questions of suspect spaces, are engaged, debated, accepted and rejected. This paper argues that the Inquest rendered ‘7/7’ from a fast a familiar framing as anticipated catastrophe, into a ‘matter of concern’ in the sense discussed by Bruno Latour. The paper considers the ambiguous nature of the Inquest, and the way in which it both opened space for public debate and alternative conceptions of futurity; and closed down such space by accepting and normalising notions of networked threat.     

The impact of precarious security conditions on renewable electrification: The case of the West Bank

Recent energy-related writing has highlighted the spatiality of renewable energy and its possible affinity to geopolitics. Yet, energy geography and geopolitics literature lack reference to security and how it may shape the energy landscape. This study unpacks the elusive concepts of security and territoriality and operationalizes them into measurable variables. Using statistical and qualitative methods, including an original dataset based on planning and building protocols, this study tests the interplay between security conditions and territoriality on renewable energy adoption. It examines the case study of the contested Area C territory in the West Bank, within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The findings show that precarious security conditions discourage renewable energy diffusion, particularly when security is linked to territorial conflict. As land-intensive infrastructures, renewable energy systems challenge territorial claims. This study demonstrates how space acts as an intermediate variable connecting security concerns with the diffusion of renewable technology. Security interests use spatial planning as a key mechanism to negatively influence on renewable energy diffusion in contested territory, such as Area C, where power asymmetry heavily leans to the advantage of one party. These findings contradict the argument that renewable energy is a catalyst for peace building. They show how renewable energy projects create inequalities and are often held hostage by the territorial dispute between Israel and the Palestinians.     

Illegal fishing and Australian security

The security impact of illegal fishing is not well understood. Where illegal fishing is recognised as a security problem, the focus has been on fish as a natural resource, the depletion of which can have impacts on food security, individual livelihoods, and the economic survival of states relying on illegal fishing. We argue that a focus on fish as a natural resource obscures the other security challenges the crime of illegal fishing poses to Australia. As this paper explains, illegal fishing overlaps with drug, human, weapon and other contraband trafficking and smuggling; irregular maritime arrivals; and maritime piracy. In addition, like other easily transported, high value resources, illegal fish can fund insurgencies and other types of political violence. Understanding illegal fishing as a security challenge will improve Australia’s national security policy. First, it acknowledges fish as a vital natural resource, implicated in economic, ecological, and human security; second, it analyses how illegal fishing interlinks with other maritime crimes; third, it challenges the effectiveness of monitoring and enforcement of illegal fishing; fourth, it presents an opportunity for effective regional cooperation; and finally it highlights the benefits of regional cooperation in responding to illegal fishing.     

Complex security and strategic latency: the UK Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015

Whichever party or parties form the next UK government, a Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) is expected to begin soon after the general election in May. The review might be a ‘light touch’ exercise—little more than a reaffirmation of the SDSR produced by the coalition government in 2010. It seems more likely, however, that the review will be a lengthier, more deliberate exercise and one which might even last into 2016. For those most closely engaged in the process the challenge is more complex than that confronted by their predecessors in 2010. The international security context is more confused and contradictory; the UK's financial predicament is still grave; security threats and challenges will emerge that cannot be ignored; the population's appetite for foreign military engagement appears nevertheless to be restricted; and prevailing conditions suggest that the risk‐based approach to national strategy might be proving difficult to sustain. Two key questions should be asked of the review. First, in the light of recent military experiences, what is the purpose of the United Kingdom's armed forces? Second, will SDSR 2015–16 sustain the risk‐based approach to national strategy set out in 2010, and if so how convincingly? Beginning with a review of the background against which SDSR 2015–16 will be prepared, this article examines both enduring and immediate challenges to the national strategic process in the United Kingdom and concludes by arguing for strategic latency as a conceptual device which can complement, if not reinvigorate, the risk‐based approach to national strategy and defence.     

Do EU funds crowd out other public expenditures? Evidence on the additionality principle from the detailed Czech municipalities’ data

European Union (EU) funds flowing into budgets of public sector organizations of its member states should be additional to their nationally funded expenditures. To investigate this additionality principle systematically, we develop a new empirical method. Our main hypothesis is that some of the EU-funded projects are crowding out national public expenditures. Not being able to reject the hypothesis would be consistent with violating the additionality principle. To test the hypothesis, we examine how EU funding translates into actual spending of relatively comparable municipalities of the Czech Republic. We innovatively match the municipal authorities’ budgetary data on EU-funded expenditure projects with their other, nationally funded, expenditures. We find no systemic crowding out of national public expenditures by EU funds at the level of operational programmes in the Czech municipalities’ data, which is consistent with no evidence of violating the additionality principle. Nonetheless, going down to the municipal level enables us to show how the results can pinpoint individual cases of EU fund’s potential mismanagement in Czech municipalities. Overall, we provide the first evaluation of the additionality principle at the level of individual recipients of EU funds and in doing so we develop a methodological approach potentially applicable to other fund recipients.     

“Playing the away game”: AFRICOM in the Sahara-Sahel

This article presents evidence to revise hypotheses of how biopolitical strategies are deployed in contemporary global security regimes, and with what effects. It is based on research into the US military's Africa Command (AFRICOM). Elaborating on two concepts that Michel Foucault hypothesized in his Security, Territory, Population lectures –the “people” and the “milieu” –I argue that AFRICOM's strategy is informed by biopolitical rationalities, but that this does not necessarily situate African populations as either part of a population to secure or as a threat to that population. Instead, I suggest that (unlike in the urban and national contexts that Foucault analyzed) biopolitical security strategies at the global scale are characterized by varying degrees of distance between the way(s) of life they aim to defend and what Foucault termed the “field of intervention” or “milieu” that they target. This hypothesis, and its elaboration through the case of AFRICOM, contributes to efforts to historicize and spatialize accounts of contemporary biopolitics. Specifically, it suggests that we can better understand the production of very uneven geographies of security and insecurity by attending to the relationships between the ways of life being secured and the (potentially distant) material contexts situated as relevant “fields of intervention”.