盎格鲁-撒克逊时期的教会税及其影响

起初,盎格鲁人、撒克逊人在宗教上都是异教徒,但在7世纪,所有的盎格鲁-撒克逊国王及其臣属都皈依了基督教。随着基督教文化的兴起,教堂捐等教会税开始见诸盎格鲁-撒克逊法典中。教会税是盎格鲁-撒克逊教会财富的一个重要来源,尽管教会拥有政治权力,在民众中间拥有道德权威,但是,教会税也增加了盎格鲁-撒克逊人的沉重负担,使中世纪早期英格兰的乡村生活更加不稳定。     

陈垣基督教信仰考

关于陈垣是否宗教徒,此前学界一直未有定论。从教会档案、民国期刊以及胡适的回忆等各种资料可以佐证,陈垣是北京缸瓦市教会基督教徒。在缸瓦市教会他是一位威望甚高的教友,对教会管理事务有一定参与;在基督教界他对中国基督教教会的改造和本色化均有关注,也有亲身参与,但主要是以授课或者演讲的方式间接参与。从陈垣的散佚文章和著作的部分早期版本,可以看到他对基督教信仰的表达、他的宗教经验及有关于“罪”的信仰告白等,这些也进一步印证了他的基督教信仰。     

晚清圣母圣心会中蒙古教区传教述论

本文认为,晚清时期,圣母圣心会在中蒙古教区获得了持续、稳定的发展。教会的成功既在于其传教方法得当,也在于教会拥有较多的社会资源。怎样评价教会的传教活动,并不是一个容易的话题。     

中世纪晚期英格兰圣职候选人的“头衔”探析——以赫里福德主教区为例

在中世纪的英格兰,教士需要持有一份"头衔",即一定的经济来源,才能作为圣职候选人在圣职授予仪式中获得正级神品,进而有资格在教会中谋得教职。1400年至1532年间赫里福德主教区主教文件汇编中的神职人员授职名单保存了4种教会认可的"头衔"。修道院"头衔"原本只是"法定的虚构物",却为教会认可并大力推广。其他三种"头衔"(世袭"头衔"、私人"头衔"和圣俸"头衔")虽为数不多,却代表着圣职候选人获得的真实经济来源。这些具体的"头衔"折射出中世纪晚期英格兰教会和教士群体与世俗社会之间紧密的经济社会关系,反映了直到宗教改革前夕天主教会在英格兰仍然具有稳定的生存空间,教士仍然是一份具有吸引力的职业。另外,一些"头衔"也暗示了教会内部的不稳定因素以及世俗社会对于教会的态度转变。     

武训与圣芳济

对于武训,在以前我的确是相当陌生,脑海里只有一个「行乞(?)学」的模糊影子。直到看见人民日报『应该重视电影「武训传」的讨论』的号召后,才开始尽可能的把有关于武训的材料看一些,当时我就很自然的联想起欧洲中古末期托钵(?)派创始人圣芳济St.Francis 来,这也可能是我的错觉,我认为把圣芳济的「其人其事」作扼要介绍,可能对武训认识有相当帮助和启示。欧洲在十(?)世纪时候,如日中天的天主教教会的统治淫威,由于内在和外来两种因素,开始走向由发展到没落的道路上,一方面是在封建社会母腹里孕育着的新(?)工商业者的胎儿,开始在发育滋长,作为封建社会帮凶的天主教会自身,腐化的生活和暴横的行为,贯彻了(?)教皇到一般教士们,使人民恨入骨髓(?)另一方面,自十字军东征以后,人民深受了新的刺激,更引起人民甚至于下级(?)士对教会制度和宗教理论的怀疑与厌恶,教会竟被称为「魔鬼的犹太(?)堂」。所谓「异端」的下级人民反抗运动,     

教宗与地方主教团关系的历史透视——解读1983年《教会法典》第375条至第411条

教会法历史作为教会史的一个分支突出地体现了相对稳定的法律条文与不断变化的历史环境之间复杂的互动关系。教宗与各地主教之间的关系在很大程度上受制于教会法传统,但是具体的社会、政治和文化思想的条件也在深刻影响这一关系。本文通过对1983年《教会法典》第375条至第411条教规的历史评注,追溯了教宗与地方主教团的关系,分析了与教宗与各地主教关系有关的古代和中世纪传统,并主要以美国的情况为例阐释了近现代西方国家天主教会与梵蒂冈关系的一些特点。     

20世纪上半叶东北天主教史的考察——以黑龙江省海伦县海北镇为例

海伦县海北镇自建镇之初至20世纪30年代一直是天主教教会管理的自治村镇,东北沦陷之后逐渐丧失了自治权,教会利益也受到威胁。在这种情况下,海北镇天主教教会秉承罗马教廷的旨意,采取与日本殖民主义者合作的政策。虽然教会得以存续下去,但却沦为了伪满当局的统治工具。     

浅析山西潞安教区天主教传教人员的本土化

潞安教区天主教的发展,经历了数百年的风雨历程之后,在潞安地区取得了传教的成功,但这与教会自身与当地文化的融合关系甚大。在与当地文化融合的过程中,也出现了教会的本土化:传教人员的本土化和国籍教区的出现以及主教的本土化。从而在教会发展的进程中,更加速了当地人员对教会的认识,增进了教会的发展。     

战争、医院与外交:全面抗战之初的教会医院(1937—1938)

全面抗战爆发之初,教会医院处于"非军事的、中立的、第三国的机构"的地位,其处境与遭遇在一定程度上反映了欧美国家与日本在远东的外交关系。教会医院虽遭到日军完全无视国际法和人道主义的轰炸、占据、劫掠等侵害,但从宗教与世俗的目的出发,继续在华开展工作,积极从事战时医疗救助等活动。欧美各国为保护教会医院虽与日本进行了交涉,但在其整体对日妥协的政策下,这些交涉显得较为软弱,没有取得应有效果。日本虽然声称保护各国在华利益,但对教会医院的侵害一直没有停止。这一切不仅是日本侵华战争的产物,也是欧美国家远东政策的必然结果。     

论10～11世纪德意志的帝国教会体制

10~11世纪,德意志存在一种帝国教会体制,其实质是王权主导下的王权与教会间的共生共存关系。在这一体制下,教会机构成为国王的政治机器,教会首脑成为国王官吏,同时国王则全力维护教会的特权和利益。在萨克森王朝统治时期,帝国教会体制成为德意志强大王权的一根重要支柱。但从长远来看,这一体制也存在严重隐忧。“主教授职权之争”以后,帝国教会体制瓦解,王权开始面临严峻的挑战。     

Monthly London Meeting

When the Catholic Mass was outlawed by Edward VI, ‘The sacrifice of Masses, in which it was commonly said that the Priests did offer Christ for the quick and the dead, to have remission of pain or guilt, were blasphemous fables and dangerous deceits’—the Thirty-Nine Articles of the Church of England, 1553, Article Thirty-one (Bickwell 1955, 410), not only were priests loyal to Rome forced underground, but altars, vestments and chalices used in the Mass were destroyed. Clandestine priests had to either rescue and hide such items or purchase new ones.

Few chalices survived this iconoclasm and most Catholic priests must have had to purchase new plate, and there is evidence that some such plate was made in base-metals, an area which has so far been little researched.     

Community regulation and its effects: the aggressive actions of parishioners against priests and women in Paris, 1483–1505

At the start of the sixteenth century, the archidiaconal court of Paris lacked centralised means of enforcement and relied heavily on parishioners to supervise one another and their priests. This article analyses cases from court registers dating from 1483 to 1505 that detail instances in which parishioners reacted aggressively to illicit contact between priests and women. It argues that the court appropriated parishioners' intimidating and sometimes violent separations of priests and women as a means to enforce ecclesiastical statutes calling for strict domestic segregation between the two. While the court relied upon the aggression of parishioners, it also protected priests, more than women, against extreme actions such as assault. The decisions made by the court created a system in which violence against women could be an acceptable means for enforcing its statutes at parish level.     

The Black Death in the diocese of Ely: The evidence of the bishop's register

The Black Death of 1348-9 is thought to have killed a third to a half of the population of Europe. More exact measurements of the plague mortality are hard to come by, but the ten episcopal registers of England which survived the great pestilence provide some of the most complete and reliable information about the number of deaths on a yearly basis. Although there are qualifications to be made before using this information, the defects in the bishops' registers are not so great that the historian can afford to neglect this valuable source. In addition, there is sometimes anecdotal evidence in the registers which speaks of the human drama of the plague, in contrast to the impassive testimony of numbers. This paper will examine the evidence of the register of Thomas de Lisle, bishop of Ely from 1345 until 1361, as it relates to the Black Death. The first half of the paper will address the statistical evidence, to be followed by a discussion of the anecdotal material. De Lisle's register has not been extensively studied since J. Lunn's 1930 thesis on The Black Death in the Bishops' Registers, which is now lost. A re-evaluation of this evidence will reveal that the inhabitants of East Anglia, and of Cambridgeshire in particular, were among the greatest sufferers of the plague.     

和平时期的鼠疫流行与人口死亡 --以近代广东、福建为例

广东城市鼠疫流行最剧的年代所造成的人口死亡数比福建要大,然而仍然只有10％20％,其他年份人口死亡数很小。在乡村,无论是在时间分布上,还是在区域分布上,鼠疫都呈现出“此起彼伏,循环不绝”的流行特点。特大型工商业城市在鼠疫传播中的地位相当重要,这与欧洲有很大的不同。不同的社会结构和发展状况对于鼠疫流行模式和人口死亡所产生的影响十分明显,从这个角度来看,近代中国社会的变迁也是一个生态变迁的过程。     

The mystery of plague in medieval Iceland

This article is aimed at encouraging scholars to continue to take critical, interdisciplinary approaches to understanding the cause and scale of historic plague outbreaks. It does this by reinvestigating two recorded outbreaks of plague in Iceland in 1402–4 and 1494–5. It is argued that these were episodes of pneumonic plague, caused by Yersinia pestis, and that the likely mortality was no more than 25% of the population in both cases. This contrasts with the higher rates (50–60% and 30–50%) postulated elsewhere. Although it is recognised there are other explanations for plague in Iceland, greater caution needs to be taken in interpreting the direct and indirect evidence for its demographic effects. A lower mortality rate fits better with a less widespread and more fragmented epidemic. The numbers and types of Icelandic farms which might have been vacant during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries are given more detailed consideration than in previous accounts. ‘Farm abandonment’ in the fifteenth century was continually driven by a series of environmental and economic factors and need not be interpreted as a demographic collapse caused solely by the plague. Greater attention is also given to understanding how plague could have reached Iceland and the biological, ecological and sociological factors which might then have sustained it.     

论家国一体问题

在中国和西方古代君主制社会中,都有"君主是民之父母的思想"发生、流传。但西欧的这种思想没有中国的强烈,因为西欧国家还有教会,教皇、神甫、牧师等独占了民之父母的称谓和地位,使得国王被称为民之父母的机会减少。中国君主力量强大,特别是宋代之后,明清王朝时期,逐渐形成了专制君主制,皇帝、官僚被称为民之父母的情况大为增加。但是从制度上说,中国古代是天命王权,是受天的委托而进行统治的,如果统治不好,就要被天抛弃。官僚制度的建立和发展,更对皇帝的权力起到制衡作用,政治上公、私是有区别的。所以,中国古代家国并非一体。君为民之父母一说,可以休矣。     

古代两河流域宗教中的生死信仰1

古代两河流域先民认为人类的生命是由神创造并为神服务的,人类没有永生,死亡是命中注定的;生命的意义在于追求名誉和为神服务;人死后亡灵都要进入地下世界,地下世界是黑暗凄凉、阴森恐怖而不值得向往的。这种生命信仰和死亡信仰反映在祭司神学集团编造出的一系列神话、史诗等宗教文学中,二者互为补充,共同发挥着宣扬宗教教义的文化功能。     

The ultimate return: Dissent,apostolic succession,and the renewed ministry of roman catholic women priests

ABSTRACT

Significant numbers of practising Roman Catholics dissent from the Church’s orthodox teachings, especially those relating to sex, gender and contraception. Many such dissenters even occupy positions of ecclesiastical authority themselves. This raises interesting questions about how dissent manifests differently in various Christian traditions; how disagreement about fundamental principles only become legible if expressed in particular ways. This paper draws on research on Roman Catholic Woman priests whose claim to sacerdotal legitimacy rests on their having been ordained in apostolic succession by bishops within the Roman Catholic Church. It asks how do women priests negotiate both difference and repetition at the very same time. The ethnography prompts deeper reflection on Christianity’s long history of dissent which I argue has been written from a predominantly male and Protestant perspective. One in which dissent that leads to institutional differentiation is prioritized over dissent borne quietly that seeks to contain itself.     

‘ … por decir Dios Trino y Uno,dijo Dios tres y uno son cuatro’: the Christian Trinity and the multiplicity of Andean Deities: indigenous beliefs and the instruction of the Christian doctrine in Quechua

In this paper I examine how Christian priests in the early colonial period in the Andes tried to communicate the Christian concept of the Trinity to the indigenous population, mainly through textual but also through visual means. On the basis of these sources, I will address the following questions: how did the priests present the concept in Quechua, one of the general languages of the Andes, in morphological, lexico-semantic and argumentative terms; how was the Trinity represented in painting and, could the Indians relate these explanations to something they were familiar with in their own religion? Answering these questions will provide us with hypotheses as to how the indigenous population might have understood this Christian concept, which, in turn may enable us to better understand modern Andean belief forms with respect to the Trinitarian concept, which I shall briefly discuss in the final section. On the whole, the evidence suggests that, whilst the Christians may have thought that they could explain their Trinity to the Andean people better by using the Quechua language, the adoption of Andean concepts and language resources resulted in different reception strategies, such as the accommodation of Christian beliefs in the Andean religious system, but also the creation of new hybrid concepts based on Amerindian as well as Christian belief forms.