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1.
《科举理学化——均田制崩溃以来的君民整合》(上海,上海辞书出版社,2008年,以下简称吴著)一书,是一部研究中国古代尤其是均田制崩溃以来中国社会结构变迁的综合性研究著作,乃吴铮强先生在其博士论文《宋代科举与乡村社会》的基础上,经由史料的扩展以及论题的提炼修改增益而成。就该书之宏观议题设定  相似文献   

2.
《资治通监》据《魏书.食货志》,将北魏采纳实施李冲三长制的时间系於太和十年(486),又强调去年,即485年北魏实行的均田制“恒计见口”,并不是一种重复记录。北魏立国之後,均田制实施之前,已在中原以外的大部分地区,逐渐实行了类似三长制的户口和赋税制度。均田制是北魏国家在遍布坞壁的中原地区实行的类似三长制的户口和赋税制度,以取代宗主督护制。均田制实施後,北魏大部分地区的户口和赋税制度形式上已趋於一致。李冲三长制乃是在此基础上,“混天下一法”,将这些业已在北魏大部分地区实行的制度“明令颁布,使它一般化”。  相似文献   

3.
宗族血缘关系与地缘关系合一、国家与社会合一,是中国传统社会的结构特点,宗族关系与国家权力在基层行政运行中的辩证属性,是基层社会秩序变迁的重要因素,其功能发挥因时而异,取决于多种因素。梳理分析这一问题,是考察中国古代社会控制、治理理念、治理模式的重要方面。秦汉是中国统一王朝建立和大发展时期,是历代统一王朝基层社会治理理念、模式的奠基时期,宗族力量与国家力量经历了分与合、合与分的历史过程,直接影响着基层社会秩序与统一国家建立.  相似文献   

4.
公元485年(孝文帝太和九年),北魏统治者接受了李安世的建议,于十月丁未下了均田诏:“今遣使者,循行州郡,与牧守均给天下之田,还受以生死为断,劝课农桑,兴富民之本。”(《魏书》卷七上《高祖纪》上)均田制的具体内容,《魏书·食货志》有详细记载,文繁不录。现就其内容与性质,作一粗浅分析。第一,这是一种强制性的封建国有土地授受制度。均田制首先是在国有土地上实行的。当时北魏政府所掌握的大量无主荒地,正是均田制得以颁行的物质基础。当时的北魏社会存在着这样一个尖锐的矛盾:一方面地广人稀,劳动力严重缺乏;另一方面由于战乱、国家赋役的驱迫以及自然灾害的袭击等原因,又有大批的农民与土地分离。北魏统治者为了榨取更多的租税,就必须解决这一矛盾,即必须把农民束缚于土地上。颁布均田制的根本目的亦正在此。  相似文献   

5.
当代民间文化在国际化、现代化和地方文化复兴的趋势下,受到外部多方力量的影响,进行资源和价值重构,逐渐形成了资源化和遗产化的两大趋势,并呈现为多种可能性,深刻影响着其自身的变迁与发展。从当代社会文化变迁的动态场域与权力话语、民间文化的价值重构及其社会影响等方面,研究民间文化是如何进入民族、国家乃至世界的公共层面而发挥作用,可以揭示其当代变迁的规律。  相似文献   

6.
佳宏伟 《史学月刊》2005,(4):14-21,32
清代汉中府水资源环境的不断变迁,引发了诸如水利设施兴废、水利冲突等问题。在解决这些问题的过程中,乡村社会控制权日益显现出下移趋势。但自乾嘉以降,在水资源环境严重恶化的情况下,官府力量似乎又显得重要起来。这说明国家与社会之间呈现的是一种错综复杂的社会关系,不能用简单的二元对立模式给予教条性概括,必须考察具体的社会生态环境。  相似文献   

7.
均田制把田土分成永业田和口分田,是为了运用给田和限田的功能。永业田20亩和口分田80亩合成100亩具备限田的功能。第一,永业田20亩符合于李安世奏文所提到的“力业相称”。第二,永业田20亩能够保障均田农民的最低生计。第三,合理说明为何敦煌户籍文书采用宽乡受田规定,而吐鲁番户籍文书采用狭乡受田规定。据此,在宽乡敦煌,考虑到均田制限田功能,不免出现均田农民之间田土已受率的差别。依据这种差别否定均田制施行,是不符合事实的。  相似文献   

8.
刘宸 《黑龙江史志》2013,(15):29-30
地方政治相对于中央政治而言,是历代王朝政治的组成部分。地方政治的变迁既受制于中央王朝政治,同时也对中央王朝政治的方方面面施加着自己的影响;尤其是它处于国家与社会之间,上承王朝政令,下理社会秩序,可以说地方政治优劣,直接关系到社会的安定与进步,更关系到王朝的兴衰。而宋代是中国古代社会的一个转型期,也是一个具有代表性的朝代,各种新兴阶层相继的出现和发展,此后各代的社会生活在宋代都可以看到一些缩影。表现在宋代农村社会则是各种民间力量与国家力量的博弈,并且在博弈的过程中表现出对地方社会秩序的影响。  相似文献   

9.
刘宸 《黑龙江史志》2013,(14):50-52
地方政治相对于中央政治而言,是历代王朝政治的组成部分。地方政治的变迁既受制于中央王朝政治,同时也对中央王朝政治的方方面面施加着自己的影响;尤其是它处于国家与社会之间,上承王朝政令,下理社会秩序,可以说地方政治优劣,直接关系到社会的安定与进步,更关系到王朝的兴衰。而宋代是中国古代社会的一个转型期,也是一个具有代表性的朝代,各种新兴阶层相继的出现和发展,此后各代的社会生活在宋代都可以看到一些缩影。表现在宋代农村社会则是各种民间力量与国家力量的博弈,并且在博弈的过程中表现出对地方社会秩序的影响。  相似文献   

10.
程念祺 《中华文史论丛》2012,(3):383-393,401,402
《資治通鑑》據《魏書·食貨志》,將北魏采納實施李沖三長制的時間繫於太和十年(486),又强調去年,即485年北魏實行的均田制"恒計見口",並不是一種重複記錄。北魏立國之後,均田制實施之前,已在中原以外的大部分地區,逐漸實行了類似三長制的戶口和賦稅制度。均田制是北魏國家在遍佈塢壁的中原地區實行的類似三長制的戶口和賦稅制度,以取代宗主督護制。均田制實施後,北魏大部分地區的戶口和賦稅制度形式上已趨於一致。李沖三長制乃是在此基礎上,"混天下一法",將這些業已在北魏大部分地區實行的制度"明令頒佈,使它一般化"。  相似文献   

11.
This paper examines the impact and evidence of Improvement thinking on domestic and social spheres. Taking the example of Ireland it examines the origin and development of improving strategies and methodologies from the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, in particular the widening application of reform to incorporate domestic, educational and moral concerns. Improvement measures were imposed on communities often by a land-owning class of differing social and religious origin, engendering socio-political tension still evident in Ireland today. Equally it was a period of new commercial opportunities and social betterment creating new class divisions that have been previously undervalued. This paper draws on work on a group of islands on the northern periphery of the country, where archaeological and historical evidence demonstrate that the reforms associated with the Improvement project were still underway well into the nineteenth century.  相似文献   

12.
The changing role of Islam in the public life of Turkey is about to come under renewed scrutiny, the key issue being the potential candidates for the May 2007 presidential election. Erdoǧan, the Prime Minister and head of the first Islamist majority government in the republic's history, is likely to stand. Arguments already abound as to the legitimacy of such a move, with the opposition declaring that they will boycott the election if Erdoǧan becomes a candidate. Equally, Erdoǧan's own supporters are, in public, at least occasionally uncertain, conscious that when the late Özal moved to become president, his party suffered. Secularists grimly wonder whether they will be able to survive such an overt transfer to an Islamist figure, one whom they fear would be a great contrast to the pro‐Republican present incumbent, President Sezer. Yet, how should we face such a transition? What implications does it have for Turkey's politics, both internally in terms of the social life of the country, and in external affairs?  相似文献   

13.
世界近代史断限问题新探   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
许永璋  于兆兴 《史学月刊》2003,1(1):55-60,72
历史时期的划分不同于社会形态的演变。世界近代史不能同资本主义史画等号。划分历史时期,应以社会经济发展为主要依据.同时也要考虑到政治和思想文化方面的情况。世界近代史是人类进入工业社会和工业社会发展的历史。它的上限可以定在18世纪60年代.下限可以定在20世纪40年代。  相似文献   

14.
Introduction     
Justice Stephen J. Field sat on the Supreme Court of the United States for thirty-four years—from 1863 to 1897. Field was undoubtedly one of the most colorful personalities ever to occupy a seat on the High Court and, perhaps, one of the most controversial. His strong-willed, persistent, tenacious character incited intense feelings in both friends and foes. We can observe this, in part, from the language of his opinions. Field is most well known for stinging, sometimes sarcastic dissents in case like the Slaughter-House cases or Munn v. Illinois . We also find it in the tenor of numerous newspaper articles and pamphlets that were published in connection with the controversies that seemed to follow him. We can glean it from biographies such as Carl Brent Swisher's Stephen J. Field: Craftsman of the Law and Robert McCloskey's American Conservatism in the Age of Enterprise .  相似文献   

15.
The growth of the long-distance network in the Bell System is evaluated in relation to the state of competition within the industry and technical advances in long-distance telephony. The Bell System had a monopoly over the industry from 1875 to 1894, because of its control of the fundamental patents covering telephony. During this period the Bell System's long-distance network was expanded to cover the industrial heartland of the country. Despite a rapid growth in the number of independent telephone companies in the period of competition from 1895 to 1907, the Bell System emerged by 1907 in a dominant position within the industry. This dominance stemmed, in part, from the system-wide interconnections which the Bell System provided through its long-distance network. Technical advances and the continued expansion of the network gave the Bell System a major advantage over the competing independent companies.  相似文献   

16.
1954年1月14日,董必武在政务院第202次会议上对1954年政法工作的主要任务作了说明,认为国家已经进入大规模的经济建设时期,治国方略应从搞运动转到"按法律办事".这是董必武在新中国成立以后第一次郑重提出"按法律办事",同时,他还提出了"培养群众法律意识"、"教育人民守法,首先要国家机关工作人员守法"等思想,这是他经过多年观察、思考而凝练出的治国良策,是他法学思想的升华.  相似文献   

17.
吕红亮 《华夏考古》2007,10(4):46-55
本文以近年发现的香港西贡沙下遗址出土物为例,借助于新几内亚民族志中有关石斧锛制造的记录,运用"操作链"的分析路径对沙下遗址新石器时代石斧锛作坊的生产系统进行了初步重建。将石斧锛的制造过程分为原料采备与毛坯预制、粗坯整形、研磨成器三个阶段,对各生产阶段产品的变化以及香港新石器时代石器专业作坊的兴衰做了讨论,认为在香港新石器时代晚期,石斧锛生产已趋于专业化。  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

China matters significantly to contemporary Australia in terms of trade relations, capital movements, education and global order. Australian public discourse on China, however, inhabits two conflicting parallel universes, one a narrative of economic complementarity, the other of fear and anxiety. The spectre of the rise of China haunts Australian society in and among these two spheres: one in which China’s economic rise is to be encouraged as a sign of it joining the capitalist world system, and the other in which China’s ascent is regarded as a threat to be contained. The paper examines this problematic discourse, calling it Changst [China angst], arguing that it is permeated with a developmentalist logic (Chakrabarty, 2000) that misreads China through the homogenising history of both capitalism and Eurocentrism. This reading of China as but a copy of Western capitalism evokes anxiety because its distinctive forms of capital flow disrupt the comforting teleology. Equally, when Chinese society, including its education system, is perceived as not-yet modern, this induces fear of cultural contamination from the outpouring of Chinese international students. The exploration of this anxiety is conducted via six Australian case studies, showing how China’s engagement with Australia produces intense but unwarranted angst.  相似文献   

19.
20.
Escalating legal confrontations between private enterprise and government over land use controls are raising the costs of land development and slowly eliminating the potentials for reasonably priced family housing. Equally important, these confrontations are beginning to have more and more of the negative aspects of public utility control processes without any of the associated benefits. Now would seem to be an ideal time in which to review the “public utility” approach to land use controls since it can offer many more benefits than current control systems, while balancing society concerns and private developers' fair return objectives.  相似文献   

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