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During the past year, the UK Government has become the lead advocate for a perhaps surprising foreign policy goal: ending sexual violence in conflict. The participation of government representatives from more than 120 countries in a London Summit in June 2014 was the clearest manifestation of this project. This article offers an early assessment of the Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative (PSVI) and situates it within the history of global action against sexual and gender‐based violence from UN Security Council Resolution 1325 onwards, with a particular focus on three key developments. First, the PSVI has embraced the already common understanding of rape as a ‘weapon of war’, and has stressed the importance of military training and accountability. This has exposed the tensions within global policy between a focus on all forms of sexual violence (including intimate partner violence in and out of conflict situations) on the one hand, and war zone activities on the other. Second, the Initiative has placed great emphasis on ending impunity, which implicates it in ongoing debates about the role of international and local justice as an effective response to atrocity. Third, men and boys have been foregrounded as ignored victims of sexual and gender‐based violence. The PSVI has been crucial to that recognition, but faces significant challenges in operationalizing its commitment and in avoiding damage to existing programmes to end violence against women and girls. The success of the Initiative will depend on its ability to navigate these challenges in multiple arenas of global politics.  相似文献   

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This article examines the office of advocate at the abbey of Saint-Martin of Tours. It studies what was regionally distinctive about its emergence there in the late ninth century and suggests a reason for the office’s demise in the early tenth century. In doing so, it draws out the important discursive shifts which were part and parcel of both the setting-up and the fading-away of Carolingian ‘reform’, suggesting that the changes seen in the advocatial office were ones of mentality first and of administrative change only secondarily.  相似文献   

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Australia is at risk of being left behind by the pace of India's emergence as a regional and global power and its lack of engagement with India during this emergence. The Rudd Labor government is developing a framework which may make Australia a significant partner with India. There is the potential for a thoroughgoing engagement of interests and ideals in proposals Australia has put forward in three areas. Australia's vision of an Asia Pacific Community, with cooperation as its habitual operating principle, and with a membership that includes India and the USA as well as China and Japan, fills a multilateral gap. Secondly, the International Commission on Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament may provide a global framework assisting the development of Australian and Indian initiatives in the controlling and winding back of nuclear proliferation. Thirdly, Australia's national carbon pollution reduction program is intended to demonstrate international leadership and engagement in climate change, and opens the prospect for Australia of a substantial bilateral partnership with India (and others) to advance common interests around climate change. Australia, while emphasising its close relationship with the USA, is preparing to live in a region where the USA will, over time, be less influential as its relative power declines. As other great powers rise, Australia can actively pursue a hedging strategy to diversify its dependencies, and develop a much deeper engagement with that other emerging Asian giant.  相似文献   

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鲁纳 《文献》2000,(2):12-31
今本署名汉初政论家贾谊的《新书》或《贾子》一书,自宋以来屡受质疑,如宋朱熹语"贾谊新书除了《汉书》中所载,余亦难得粹者,看来只是贾谊一杂记稿耳.中间事事有些个."①贾谊及其政治学说对于我们理解形成于战国末至汉初的折衷主义哲学至关重要.  相似文献   

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明代"九边"的宣府、大同二镇,因地理区位和明蒙对峙的军事态势形成一体化的军事防务区.这一防务区"拱卫京师",战略地位十分重要,直接导致了协调区域军事防务的宣大总督设置.  相似文献   

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张广翔 《世界历史》2005,4(5):13-22
卫国战争期间,苏联妇女在各条战线上与男子们并肩作战,她们参与战争的深度和广度都堪称史无前例。广大苏联妇女在“生产如同战斗”、“一切为了前线,一切为了胜利”、“为了祖国”、“敌后苏维埃儿女挺身而出吧”等振奋人心的口号下,肩负起生产建设的重担,有力地保障了前线的武器、弹药、军服和粮食供应;在战地医疗、文化教育、反法西斯宣传等方面更是各尽其力;百万以上妇女加入红军和游击队并立下了赫赫战功。她们是反法西斯战争中的一支重要力量,为保卫祖国做出了难以估量的贡献和牺牲。  相似文献   

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沛谯又称谯沛,汉魏二祖和自己的功臣集团两次从这一地区崛起,于400年间,一首一尾,书写了汉王朝从建国到终结的历史。沛谯地方位于黄淮海平原。这里自战国晚期起,已经拥有富足的经济基础和充备的文化资源。楚文化的长期积累,在这里形成了新的重心。汉初梁国的文化优势,也对这里的人才形势有所影响。刘邦集团和曹操集团虽然都崛起于沛谯,而前者多布衣、白徒、亡命无赖,往往只是以个人身份追随刘邦,后者则以诸夏侯曹为代表,以宗族势力参与政治军事争搏,且其中颇有豪富。这一情形与东汉豪族势力的兴起有关。  相似文献   

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辽金两朝的都城可以分为完全新建、改造沿用和基本沿用三大类。通过对前两类都城城墙防御设施的分组比较,可以归纳出辽金两朝在都城建设中所反映的民族文化自身特点和统治者的执政理念,它们是两个民族生存本性和发展轨迹共同作用的结果。  相似文献   

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Abstract

While most Christian writers who described the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453 regarded the disaster as divine retribution for the sins of its inhabitants, carried out through the agency of the barbaric and infidel Turks, the historical work of Laonikos Chalkokondyles takes a very different approach to the problem. It argues that nations rose or fell partly through luck, but also according the virtue they possessed, so that the Turks, rather than being mere agents, could in fact take the credit for their success. In this approach, Chalkokondyles reflects not classical Greek literature, but a western tradition to be found in Livy and Cicero, a strand of thought that he may have adopted as a result of contacts with Renaissance Italy.  相似文献   

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保卫印度:19世纪英国东方外交的全部秘密   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张本英 《安徽史学》2003,2(5):65-72
印度在英帝国内具有特殊的地位。印度以及通往印度贸易通道的安全因此成为英帝国战略防卫的关键。19世纪英国在东方的全部外交与军事行动几乎都围绕着这一主题。  相似文献   

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