Past and future for public participation in Norwegian physical planning

From around 1970 protests against many plans in Norway forced discussions about the role and results of planning. Protest came from people directly affected by plans and many others concerned about the environment. Planning was criticised for among other things, neglecting local interests and protection issues and for being authoritarian and directed from the top down. At the root of the criticism was a rejection of the prevailing politics and planning ideology. Demands for more democratic planning arose. Through experiments, partly initiated and encouraged by The Ministry of the Environment during the 1970s and 1980s, and extended process rules in the Planning and Building Act, the idea of public participation gradually emerged and became a commonly accepted part of plan preparation. The main picture is that planning in these years developed from an instrumental rationality into a more communicative approach, many plans were changed so that inhabitants could accept them, and public participation created innovative proposals. From the 1990s citizens' influence on planning became challenged by co-operation between developers and public agencies and by privately initiated local plans where great power lies in developers' hands. In this article the development of public participation in Norwegian physical planning is discussed. Some methods used and results achieved are analysed, illustrated with examples from practice. In the concluding part of the article some features of tomorrow's planning in Norway are discussed with regard to public participation and co-operation, and a proposal for stronger public control over the planning process is made.     

Rhetoric of economic rationality: The foundation of Norwegian transport planning

Planners often present their recommendations as the result of a rational choice process. The appeal to rationality ranks among the planners’ most prominent rhetorical practices. National level Norwegian transport plans convey the impression that environmental problems can be solved by rational economic allocation. Apparent harmony between potentially conflicting goals simplifies the image of society and facilitates the formulation of a consistent and thus convincing policy. The idyllic account of the relationship between economic efficiency and environmental protection is therefore an effectual rhetorical move. Furthermore, the equilibrium solutions of neoclassical economics make it seem like no special interests are favoured at the expense of others. Finding planning solutions seems to be a question of balancing the utilities and costs of small adjustments, purportedly without involving power relations in any explicit way. Hence, the rhetoric of economic rationality serves to present politics as virtually apolitical, transforming it into expert solutions defended by academic jargon which the public is expected to accept rather than digest.     

Mobilization,participation and partnership building in local development planning: Experience from local planning on women's conditions in six Norwegian communes

Six rural communes in Norway participated in a national project ‘Commune planning on women's conditions’ where participative methods were used to engage inhabitants in strategic planning for local development. The planning process was organized in stages, which corresponds with the basic stages of the strategic planning and management model. All six communes followed this process, which started with education and training in planning methods and processes in autumn 1989, both at national level (project leaders and project groups) and at bed level (local leaders: administrators, politicians, local organizations, etc.). This support was deemed to be significant for the planning process by approximately 50% of respondents who completed an evaluation questionaire. The training was followed by a broad mobilization of inhabitants where visions and strategies were formulated and selected. All projects produced a strategic plan on women's conditions and a 4‐year action programme, as expected. This process worked well in all communes, but the political and administrative engagement in mass meetings, in group work and in hearings was lower in Bremanger and Nesna than in the other four communes.     

Nuclear fears,hopes and realities in Pakistan

In the four decades since Pakistan launched its nuclear weapons program, and especially in the fifteen years since the nuclear tests of 1998, a way of thinking and a related set of feelings about the bomb have taken hold among policy‐makers and the public in Pakistan. These include the ideas that the bomb can ensure Pakistan's security; resolve the long‐standing dispute with India over Kashmir in Pakistan's favour; help create a new national spirit; establish Pakistan as a leader among Islamic countries; and usher in a new stage in Pakistan's economic development. None of these hopes has come to pass, and in many ways Pakistan is much worse off than before it went nuclear. Yet the feelings about the bomb remain strong and it is these feelings that will have to be examined critically and be set aside if Pakistan is to move towards nuclear restraint and nuclear disarmament. This will require a measure of stability in a country beset by multiple insurgencies, the emergence of a peace movement able to launch a national debate on foreign policy and nuclear weapons, and greater international concern regarding the outcomes of nuclear arms racing in South Asia.     

Some problems of regional planning in predominantly rural environments; the French experience in Corsica

Mortality data for ischaemic heart disease and lung‐bronchus cancer in the 29 metropolitan boroughs of London and the 37 electoral wards of Glasgow are standardised for age and sex relative to an all‐U.K. norm. The standardised mortality ratios (S.M.R.) obtained, when expressed in map form, reveal marked spatial inequalities. A relationship with social class and concomitant housing and living standards is indicated.     

Application of European regional development fund for objective 2 in Catalonia: planning,monitoring and evaluation

This paper describes the administration procedures of the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) for Objective 2 in Catalonia. The paper shows also that the flow of an average of 100 million ECU per year from this Fund from 1989–1993, despite having a relatively slight impact on the Catalan GDP, has contributed to solving some of the bottlenecks in the Catalan economy.     

The struggle of dutch transport regions: Life and death of a regional planning concept

In the Netherlands it was commonly believed that a comprehensive regional transport policy was the only way of achieving the objectives of national transport policy. A new institution was created: the transport region. Expectations ran high, but many transport regions never reached the implementation stage. Analysis of the national policy and the actual development of the transport regions shows a continuous struggle between the transport region as a policy concept on the one hand and the transport region as an administrative institution on the other. The anticlimax that resulted from this struggle seems to have been inevitable: the transport regions have officially been abolished. Their role has been taken over by the provinces. On the one hand, this provides opportunities for avoiding the mistakes made in the past. On the other hand, this shift holds threats, which may obstruct the making and implementation of effective regional transport policy.     

Nuclear energy and proliferation risks: myths and realities in the Persian Gulf

The use of civil nuclear power is set for major expansion among the world's developing economies. The pursuit of nuclear energy technology offers energy-hungry developing nations access to reliable large-scale electricity supplies with very low carbon emissions. But this climate-friendly energy solution comes at a security price. Historically, one third of the 30 countries that possess civil nuclear energy programmes have weaponized them. Security threats from the proliferation of nuclear weapons might become an important barrier to the further expansion of the global nuclear energy market. Nowhere is this tension more acute than in the Persian Gulf. Iran and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) illustrate how the establishment of civil nuclear energy programmes can pose different levels of security risk depending on a country's foreign policy. While the UAE has embraced international transparent nuclear safeguards, Iran has rejected the concerns of the international community and continues to develop uranium enrichment technology that may soon lead towards a viable nuclear weapon. However, the use of proliferation-resistant thorium rather than uranium as a nuclear fuel technology might significantly reduce the threat of plutonium weaponization in Arab states. The UAE nuclear energy model deserves the political support of western nations as the best compromise between nuclear energy expansion and nuclear security threats. This article discusses the myths and realities surrounding the diversion of civil nuclear energy programmes for military use in the Persian Gulf region, and argues that proliferation of atomic weapons is a political choice, not a certain technical inevitability.