Reinforcing the NPT

Former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd reaffirmed Australia's commitment to realising a world free from nuclear weapons. Arguments are presented here that this aim cannot be achieved until the framework of international law and international governance has been substantially strengthened. A more productive aim at the present time would be to fortify the Non-Proliferation Treaty with a ‘no first use’ declaration by the nuclear-weapon states, so that the non-nuclear-weapon states can rest secure in the knowledge that nuclear weapons will not actually be used again, pending the day when they can safely be discarded entirely.     

The future of the NPT1

Despite the 2005 NPT Review Conference ending problematically, there remains no real alternative to that regime for controlling the spread of nuclear weapons. Any replacement of the current regime would only compound existing problems and challenges. We cannot afford to live in a world where ‘more nuclear weapons are better’. To do so would be to avoid disarmament and create a divisive security environment. A better approach would be for the global community to strive for a true partnership in achieving non-proliferation goals.     

宿务太平洋航空:每一个人都可以乘坐飞机

有一个地方,让人魂牵梦绕,她就是菲律宾长滩岛,被誉为世界上最好的海滩之一,这里,热带岛屿惯有的碧海、蓝天、白沙、椰林一样也不少。不怕你玩不到、吃不到,只怕你没有足够的时间来享受。 那么,坐上菲律宾最大的国内航空公司,飞过来玩吧。     

Stuck on disarmament: the European Union and the 2015 NPT Review Conference

The quinquennial Nuclear Non‐Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference represents a highly important event from the perspective of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Though not a party to the treaty itself, the EU has made a consistent effort since the 1990s to coordinate the positions of its member states and achieve higher visibility in the NPT review process. The aim of this article is to examine the role of the EU in the 2015 NPT Review Conference deliberations. Drawing on on‐site observations, statements and in‐depth research interviews, it argues that the recent institutional changes notwithstanding, the influence of the EU as a distinct actor in the NPT context remains very limited, and the EU's common position is in bigger disarray than ever before. This year's Review Conference demonstrated the widening rift between the member states, in particular in the area of nuclear disarmament and the related issues. The inability to maintain a coherent common position limits the EU ‘actorness’ and impedes its striving for relevance in the NPT forums. The dynamics outlined in this article further highlight the limits of the EU CFSP in security matters in which the national positions of individual member states are as divergent as in the case of nuclear disarmament.     

Rebels without a cause: North Korea, Iran and the NPT

Unchecked nuclear weapons development in North Korea and the incipient nuclear weapons programme in Iran currently pose seminal challenges to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The disposition of these cases may determine the future of the NPT and will shape non-proliferation and disarmament efforts for the next decade or more. This article assesses these two challenges, focusing on the actions concerned European states might take to leverage and guide the inevitably central US role. The article concludes that, by smoothing the sharper edges of US nuclear and strategic policies, European states can promote political conditions more favourable to non-proliferation solutions in both critical cases and help reduce reliance on nuclear weapons threats in global security relations more broadly.     

The rise and fall of the NPT: an opportunity for Britain

Long seen as an unexpectedly successful example of international cooperation, the NPT is now like a wisdom tooth that is rotten at its root and the abscess is poisoning the international body politic. The price for agreement to the substance of the treaty was the inclusion of Article 6, which committed the Nuclear Weapon States (NWS) to the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons. With the strategic arms race underway, in 1968 the NWS saw Article 6 as an empty aspiration; 25 years later it had acquired a whole new significance. The first half of the 1990s was a period of constructive optimism as non-signatories hastened to sign the treaty and the non-nuclear weapon states were persuaded to agree to its indefinite extension. The second half brought disillusionment as it became increasingly clear that the NWS had no intention of meeting their Article 6 obligations or the promises made at the five-yearly review conferences (1995, 2000, 2005), and that Washington was set on developing useable nukes for pre-emptive prevention. The bad faith and double standards fuelled wide-spread resentment (particularly in the Non-Aligned Movement) and contributed to the post-9/11 image of the 'The West against the Rest', a corrosive concept that is reinforced by US rhetoric. Rather than 'cooperative security', America is explicitly set on global military supremacy, which will evoke countervailing power and inevitably lead to nuclear arms racing and the renewed danger of inadvertent nuclear war. The likely long- and short-term consequences of the present situation require a fundamental response involving a major policy initiative. Only Britain is in a position to take such an initiative, but it will require us to withdraw from our self-appointed role of 'loyal vassal' to America and to adopt a role that has the potential of being not only more important and influential, but also more appropriate to our history, capabilities and talents.     

地方综合年鉴贵在综合

本文结合编纂实践,指出目前地方综合年鉴存在着有用资料大量缺失的问题,并指出其原因主要在于综合不到位。针对这一原因作者提出了五点改进意见:一是强化对年鉴资料综合加工的责任意识,克服任务观点,纠正从组稿到编纂过程中的随意性;二是建立约束管理机制;三是加强队伍培训;四是解决好志鉴统筹运作的问题;五是多举办一些专题研讨活动。     

It's No Dream Flying high in the sky'

ＩＡＯＤＯＮＧＦＡＮＳｏｍｅ３０ｙｅａｒｓａｇｏｗｈｅｎＩｆｉｎｉｓｈｅｄｍｙｕｎｉｖｅｒｓｉｔｙｌｉｆｅ,ＩｗａｓｇｉｖｅｎａｊｏｂｉｎＬｈａｓａ．Ｄｕｒｉｎｇｍｙｙｅａｒｓｔｈｅｒｅ,ＩｏｆｔｅｎｖｉｓｉｔｅｄｆａｒｍｅｒｓｉｎＤｏｎｇｇａｒｉｎ...     

抗战时期的西京筹备委员会及其对西安城市建设的贡献

“一 .二八”事变后 ,国民党四届二中全会曾决定“以长安为陪都 ,定名西京”,并委派张继等人组成“西京筹备委员会”。从 1932年 3月至 194 5年 6月 ,这个西京筹备委员会前后存在了 13年之久 ,为当时古城西安的城市建设做了大量具体工作 ,并对后来西安城市的发展产生了深远的影响。本文依据有关档案资料 ,细致研究了抗战时期西京筹备委员会成立的缘起与裁撤原因、西京筹备委员会的组织机构、西京市政建设委员会的成立及其组织机构 ,并论述了西京筹备委员会和西京市政建设委员会在城市规划、地形测量与土地估价、筑路修桥与水利建设、城市绿化与乡村建设、古迹文物保护诸方面对当时西安城市建设方面所做的贡献及其现实启示意义。     

执政党建设与增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础

在新的历史条件下,执政党建设要不断增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础,不断提高党的社会影响力。党的阶级基础增强和群众基础扩大后,要深入地研究在新的形势下如何加强党的思想建设的问题,实现工人阶级政党利僧和人民根本利益的辩证统一,把新世纪执政党建设提高到一个新的水平。     

世界4--技术世界及其结构问题

本在简述技术与技术世界概念的基础上,指出了技术世界与人工自然自然之间的差异,分析了实践活动对技术世界发展的决定作用,以及技术世界的结构,力图确立技术世界的本体论地位。     

It's a No-Man but Colorful Area

Ｉｔ＇ｓａＮｏ－ＭａｎｂｕｔＣｏｌｏｒｆｕｌ　Ａｒｅａ￥ＹＡＮＧＹＩＣＨＯＵＴｈｅｈｉｎｔｅｒｌａｎｄｏｆｔｈｅＱｉｎｇｈａｉ－ＴｉｂｅｔＰｌａｔｅａｕｉｓｃｏｍｐｏｓｅｄｏｆｔｈｅＫｕｎｌｕｎａｎｄＫａｒａｋｏｒｕｍｍｏｕｎｔａｉｎｓａｓｗｅｌｌａ...     

民间习俗中的彩礼及其流变

按《现代汉语词典》的解释,“彩礼”专指“订婚时男家送给女家的财物。”它是“父母之命、媒妁之言”的聘娶婚制的产物,在中国古代“男女无媒不交,无帛不相见。”（《礼记·坊记》）“非受币,不交不亲。”（《礼记·曲礼》）。彩礼作为正式的婚姻礼仪的最早规定是西周的“六礼”。由“纳征”演化而来。如果我们把礼看做是国家法律渊源之一的话,那么彩礼从西周开始即以国家法的制度而存在,并一直沿袭至清末,中华民国时期《中华民国民法》还规定订婚或结婚须有媒妁之婚书或收受聘财方为合法有效。     

1903年12月17日 人类第一次飞上天空

<正>题记:"我要飞得更高,狂风一样舞蹈挣脱怀抱;我要飞得更高,翅膀卷起风暴心生呼啸",当第一架飞机成功启航飞向天空,"我要飞得更高"便不再是梦,而我们外出旅游也因此变得更加轻松便捷。     

出一套边疆译著丛书

自新时期以来,特别是近10年来,在中国社会科学院的组织、指导下,中国边疆研究取得的成就是真正的辉煌,为学界、政界所一致公认。单就基本建设来说,已出了多种资料,为今后学科发展、深入研究打下了坚实的基础。“面向21世纪的中国边疆研究”——主编给出的主题,我想提一个建议：由中国社会科学院组织、领导出一套边疆译丛书。     

读斯文，悟其道——詹子庆教授《古史拾零》读后

本文向读者推荐詹子庆教授的新著《古史拾零》,对此书的内容和学术价值做了评介。