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《Political Theology》2013,14(3):337-350
AbstractIslam and the Muslim world are very much part of the current discussions on religion and global politics. This article looks at some of the more general debates about the gradual rise of Islam in the public and political consciousness. It is not a systematic analysis of Islamic political systems or political thought nor a discussion about key thinkers of the last century. It does, however, provide a glimpse into diverse views about leadership and governance in early and more recent Islamic history. The article concentrates more on Sunni Islam though the author is well aware that this is not the normative tradition in some parts of the Muslim world. Within the context of this diversity, it looks at issues of religious diversity and how they fit into current debates about inter-religious dialogue and pluralism. 相似文献
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Surinder Bhardwaj 《Journal of Cultural Geography》2013,30(2):69-87
Emphasis by geographers on the study of the hajj to Mecca has resulted in the neglect of ziarat, or non-hajj pilgrimages to other Islamic holy places. Associated with saints, many of the Sufi order, and martyrs, these holy places attract a vast number of pilgrims. Non-hajj pilgrimages may also be considered symbolic of the regional cultural expressions of Islam, especially in the non-Arab countries. This preliminary study situates ziarat within a typology of Islamic religious circulation. It shows that ziarat is part of the dynamic tradition of religious circulation in Islam in various regions: North Africa, Shia areas of Southwestern Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia. 相似文献
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William R. Caraher 《International Journal of Historical Archaeology》2010,14(2):241-254
Scholars have frequently invoked the abandonment of Early Christian basilicas in the sixth and seventh centuries as key evidence
for the end of antiquity in Greece. The standard narrative treats the archaeological evidence for abandonment as the physical
manifestation of decline recorded in textual sources. The neat equivalency between archaeology and text ignores the role that
abandonment plays in the narrative strategies of the textual sources. By reexamining the tie between text and archaeology,
we can read the life cycle of the Early Christian basilica in Greece more critically and consequently expand our understanding
of this dynamic period in Greek history. 相似文献
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Klavs Randsborg 《Oxford Journal of Archaeology》2000,19(2):211-222
The early development of Danish archaeology (including the centuries before AD 1800) is discussed in terms of its relationship with national history, and with various ideas about regional phenomena and concepts of cultural identity. Danish archaeologists followed a dual strategy, by subscribing both to national sentiment, but also to the 'un-national' notion of close culture-historical links between regions. Confusion of text-based historical aims, and those of archaeology, caused problems. The main strengths of archaeology – its unique material perspective and concepts, historical, spatial, and contextual (including social and mental dimensions) – are stressed. 相似文献
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Shak Hanish PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2011,20(2):161-177
This article discusses the issue of ethnic minorities, specifically the Chaldo‐Assyrians in Iraq. It gives a historical background, present demography, and points out group locations, mainly in Nineveh Province. It proposes a possible solution to the issue by suggesting autonomy for the group as crucial to its security and survival. It also presents a counter‐argument for autonomy. The article discusses the attitude of the Arabs and the Kurds to such proposals and compares Iraq and Kurdistan's constitutions in regard to minorities' rights. Finally, the author assesses if autonomy is a realistic approach to solve the Chaldo‐Assyrian problem in Iraq. 相似文献
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范若兰 《华侨华人历史研究》2011,(1):31-39
伊斯兰党是马来西亚主要反对党之一,1990年以来,该党在华人只占4.43%的吉兰丹州长期执政,进行伊斯兰教国实践,其伊斯兰化政策引起朝野争议。论文介绍了伊斯兰党在吉兰丹的伊斯兰化政策,分析了基于伊斯兰党的种族理念,吉兰丹政府的华人政策和吉兰丹华人对伊斯兰党及其州政府的态度,说明坚决支持和坚决反对伊斯兰党的华人是少数,中间派是多数。伊斯兰党在吉兰丹州的执政证明,他们公正、廉洁,能够善待华人,使外州华人不再像过去那样抗拒伊斯兰党。吉兰丹模式对马来西亚其他地方马来人和华人具有示范意义。 相似文献
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《Political Theology》2013,14(1):76-101
AbstractAmerica and its allies face a world that has become more and more dangerous with its weapons of mass destruction and a shadowy world of terrorists more than willing to use them. The wisdom of the past does not have the prescience or universal insight to deal with this new threat. America and its allies must change direction if they wish to respond to the challenge in an effective manner, even if it means employing policies that seemed dubious in the past. The state is called to protect its citizens in a Machiavellian world, filled with depravity and compromise. The church is called to submit to the superior wisdom of those who have the special intelligence, experience and expertise to handle the current crisis. 相似文献
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Dawn-Marie Gibson 《The Journal of religious history》2020,44(3):319-337
Elijah Muhammad's Nation of Islam converted thousands of African American men to Islam during the height of the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power Movement. Muhammad's men neither protested for Civil Rights nor subscribed to the militancy of the Black Power Movement. Indeed, they construed both to be fundamentally flawed routes to justice, freedom, and equality. Nation men, or Fruit of Islam (FOI) as they are more commonly known, believed that through Islam, racial separation, and community building initiatives they could ultimately reclaim their freedom, self-respect, and manhood. The NOI provided men with a newfound sense of self and purpose and in doing so imbued them with a deep-rooted appreciation for Islam, as taught by Elijah Muhammad. Rank-and-file male members of the faith community remain largely overlooked in the extant scholarship on the NOI. This article seeks to recover the stories of rank-and-file FOI. It assesses the organisation's appeal to men, the varied means by which it challenged them and the burdens the community placed on FOI. 相似文献
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名宦、宗族与地方权威的塑造--以山西寿阳祁氏为中心 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
本文以明清时期山西寿阳县的祁氏宗族为个案,考察了一个地方大族在基层社会如何运用各种社会资源,逐渐建立其权威的过程.当这种权威逐渐消失后,民众却依然保留着对祁氏权威的历史记忆,继续塑造这一地方权威和利用这一地方资源.通过对这一个案的分析,不仅可以丰富我们对明清时期华北宗族在传统中国基层社会中的生存状态的了解,还能加深我们对明清华北地区的宗族势力与名人资源、地方权威状态与乡村权力结构等问题的认识. 相似文献