章士钊《甲寅》时期自由主义政治思想评析

《甲寅》月刊时期,是章士钊一生思想影响最大的时期,也是他自由主义政治思想的巅峰时期。这一时期,他以功利主义的理论系统地清理国家与个人的关系,批驳专制集权理论,捍卫民主政治的价值,提出了调和立国论。他一方面十分关注国家的强大,一方面又关注个人的自由权利;一方面认定中国应当走民主政治的道路,一方面又为中国的现实条件所困;一方面希望中国能够以和平有序的方式实现政治的转型,一方面又在现实的逼迫下承认革命的正当性。他的困惑在中国近代自由主义者当中具有相当的典型意义。     

纠结在政治和学术之间的张君劢

张君劢（1887-1969）,原名嘉森。生于江苏宝山（今属上海市）。他的一生既参与政治,又精研学术．以“不因哲学忘政治．不因政治忘哲学”自勉。并怀抱其实现民主宪政的理想．积极投身于中国近现代纵横捭阖、波诡云谲的政治活动中。他既因反对国民党而被绑架和软禁,又因支持国民党的反共内战而成为蒋介石的贵宾;既和共产党关系密切,周恩来送他“民主之寿”的寿匾,又被共产党列为43名战犯之一.     

抗战胜利前后中间党派对民主的诠释：以经济民主为中心

加世纪40年代,中间党派及自由知识分子为反对国民党垄断国家资源的一党专政体制,提出了融政治民主、经济民主、教育民主、国际民主于一炉的社会民主主义理论。这种民主观试图扩大民主的范围,其目标是社会方方面面皆民主化,以保障人权和实现社会正义,体现了超时代的理想主义色彩。中间党派对社会民主主义的颂扬,具有反抗国民党专制统治的进步意义,是近代中国民主宪政运动史留给后人的一笔精神财富。     

第二次国共合作时期中共追求民主政治的斗争

在第二次国共合作时期,中国共产党追求民主政治的斗争始终如一,从未间断。出于对国情正确把握,中共的斗争一分为二:在大后方推动旧民主主义民主政治的完全实现,为发展新民主主义民主政治创造良好条件;同时在根据地大力实践新民主主义民主政治。这两个层面的斗争并行发展,又互相配合,体现了中共对民主政治理解的不断深入、具体和细化。虽然中共通过民主政治改造旧中国的斗争没有成功,但有力打击了国民党一党专政,充分树立起在人民心目中的民主形象,为新民主主义革命在全国胜利奠定坚实基础。     

新时期社会主义民主政治建设浅议

随着有中国特色的社会主义建设不断发展,随着制度改革的全面展开和不断深入,进行新时期社会主义民主政治建设已成当务之急。本文试图从怎样进行社会主义民主政治建设,怎样才能保证我国的社会主义民主政治建设正确健康发展入手,进行社会主义民主政治建设的理论探索。     

胡适为何挨了四十年的骂

胡适毕生喜谈政治,而所言所论又多与实际政治格格不入,鼓吹一生的自由主义主张,势必与国民党一党专制发生冲突。于是,无休无止的论战,几乎耗费了他生命的大多时光,他所孜孜以求的西方民主政治理想,也在口诛笔伐声中被无情湮没。《胡适为何挨了四十年的骂》一文,讲述了大名鼎鼎的胡博士如何走过可悲可叹而又传奇的一生,值得一读。     

中国特色社会主义民主政治建设的历史脉络和理论升华

中国特色社会主义民主政治建设经历了制度奠基与道路探索、重新开启与理论拓展、稳步推进与理论创新、历史新起点与理论新发展的历史过程。伴随着这一过程,中国社会主义民主政治建设理论也在不断完善和升华。回顾并梳理中国特色社会主义民主政治建设的历史脉络,系统阐释中国民主政治建设理论,总结其经验,对于继续推进中国特色社会主义民主政治建设进程,具有重要的现实意义。     

试析20世纪40年代的新自由主义思潮

20世纪40年代自由主义思潮的最大特点就是把自由主义思想的提倡与当时中国社会的迫切需求结合在一起:既要解决政治民主问题,又要实现经济平等的目标。这就需要最大限度地调和政治民主与经济平等之间的矛盾,建立一个政治民主与经济平等齐头并进的社会。为了适应这种社会需要,自由主义在坚持原有的自由、民主、平等、法治等基本理念的基础上,吸收了许多社会主义的思想要素,用当时形象的话说就是"大家有饭吃,各人选路走"。这种调和自由主义和社会主义的思潮在中国社会引起了极大的反响和共鸣,形成了系统、完整的思想体系,一时间成为思想界关注的焦点,许多人将其称为"新自由主义"。     

政治参与对社会主义民主政治建设的影响

公民的政治参与是指公民自愿地通过各种合法方式参与公共事务的决策和管理的行为,体现了现代社会政治民主化的必然要求。人民群众是政治参与的主体,政治参与的途径是具体参加政治运作过程。增强公民合理有序的政治参与,是加强基层民主建设、强化基层基础工作的重要内容,基层民主建设是社会主义民主最根本的实践。     

关于柯亨的平等主义政治哲学辨析

“分析的马克思主义”领军人物柯亨后期致力于政治哲学问题研究,对当代自由主义者关于不平等的辩护进行了反驳,提出了平等主义的社会价值观。柯亨的政治哲学论证反映了“分析的马克思主义”与西方主流思潮在正义、平等、民主等问题上的分歧和对话策略,对于我们开展马克思主义政治哲学研究有一定借鉴意义。     

Analisi della fede e critica della ragione nella filosofia di Pierre Bayle

This article re-examines the political thought of the neglected Fabian essayist and radical journalist William Clarke. Historians have differed over the relative importance of socialism and liberalism in Clarke's political thought. The argument is made here that the key to Clarke's thought lies in his moralised conception of democracy, rooted in his monist ontology. The further deepening of democracy was threatened for Clarke by developments in monopolistic capitalism and the related emergence of a new imperialism. Clarke's understanding of democracy, rather than more overtly economic considerations, lies at the heart of his political religion, and links his views on domestic and foreign affairs. As befits a philosophical monist, his political thought reveals the limitations of established dichotomies for grasping the character of progressivism in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Britain.     

中共中央对战后中国和、战问题的盱衡与抉择

随着全面抗战胜利的到来,国内阶级关系发生了重大变化,以蒋介石集团为代表的大地主、大资产阶级同以中国共产党为代表的人民大众之间的矛盾,上升为中国社会的主要矛盾。和平与战争,民主与独裁两种力量的斗争,成为战后国内政治的显著特点。依据中国共产党七大对战后国际国内形势的科学分析,中共中央高举“和平、民主、团结”的旗帜,确定了和平建国的战略方针,极力推进和平建国构想的实施。中国共产党通过自己追求和平、民主的真诚努力,揭破了国民党蒋介石内战独裁的真实面目,极大地团结和教育了全国人民,从而把政治主动权牢牢掌握在自己手里,为最终用战争手段解决问题准备了必要条件。如果没有争取和平建国的斗争,也就没有广大人民群众的广泛觉悟和国民党的彻底孤立。     

"You turn if you want to": The Questions a Pragmatic Political Theology Might Ask of Speculative Realism

Abstract

The question pursued in this article is what might a pragmatic (in the Rortyan sense) political theology ask speculative realists to contribute to its analyses and discussions. The article begins by discussing the potential reservations political theologians might have in employing Richard Rorty as a dialogue partner. It then considers the insights from Rorty that political theologians might value, namely a respect for Western democracy and pluralism, the desire to reform capitalism, and a deeper understanding of the relationship between Christianity and liberalism. These insights are discussed in dialogue with the radical orthodoxy of John Milbank. It is argued that Milbank and Rorty share post-foundational philosophical assumptions but arrive at different political conclusions with regard to democracy and capitalism. The paper makes the case for a pragmatic valuing of democracy and capitalism and a recognition of their Christian heritage.     

Pierre-Antoine Antonelle and representative democracy in the French Revolution

This article examines the political thought of Pierre-Antoine Antonelle, a prominent democrat during the French Revolution. In pamphlets and newspaper articles between 1795 and 1799 he put forth an elaborate theory of ‘representative democracy’ which was a novel and radical vision of political reform and republican international order. His political and economic plan for a democratic future was focused on conceptualizing a realistic transition path to a genuinely republican society. In the wake of historians who pointed out the existence and importance of the idea of ‘representative democracy’ during the Directory, this article delves into the content of this idea by placing it in the context of Antonelle and his fellow travellers’ political struggle to consolidate the Republic while avoiding both anarchy and aristocracy.     

Post-Enlightenment sources of political authority: Biblical atheism, political theology and the Schmitt-Strauss exchange

This essay reevaluates the Weimar writings of Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss, specifically, their intellectual efforts to replace the political authority of Kantian liberalism with, respectively, a ‘political theology’ and ‘Biblical atheism’ derived from the thought of early-modern state theorists like Hobbes and Spinoza. Schmitt and Strauss each insisted that post-Kantian Enlightenment rationality was unraveling into a way of thinking that violently rejected ‘form’ of any kind, fixated myopically on material things and lacked any conception of the external constraints that invariably condition the possibilities of philosophy, morality and politics. They considered Kantian reason and liberal politics to pose serious threats to ‘genuine’ expressions of rationality and as dangerous obfuscations of the necessity of political order—of the brute fact that human beings stand in need of ‘being ruled,’ as such.     

一个自由主义者的痛苦抉择——1946年张君劢同意民社党出席"国大"动因探微

对于自由主义者张君劢来说,他同意民社党出席1946年由国民党一手包办的“国大”,是一个极其痛苦的抉择。他之所以这样做,客观原因．一是民社党生态的困窘．二是国民党投其所好．百般拉拢;主观原因．一是他的充满矛盾的自由主义理念。二是他的“宪法之父”的“宪政情结”．三是他的人格的分裂与异化。     

Rehabilitating political parties: an examination of the writings of Hans Kelsen

This paper focuses on Hans Kelsen’s reflections on political parties. During the interwar period, Kelsen participated in a controversy over whether political parties were a necessary part of the democratic process. The debate forced Kelsen to produce a defence of political parties to emphasise their functionality and define their place in his particular definition of democracy. This contribution considers the following aspects. First, the reasons why Kelsen thought political parties are necessary for democratic life are explained. Second, the doctrinal oppositions against which he elaborated his defence of political parties are clarified. Third, the programme that Kelsen conceived of to enhance political parties in a constitutional democracy is examined. Finally, the contemporary questions that have arisen in relation to Kelsen’s conception of political parties are scrutinised. Kelsen’s contribution to the debate about the role of political parties was intimately related to the presence of strong criticisms of that role. This makes his reflections even more interesting today, considering the present relative decline of the political role and appeal of parties.     

内战前美国南部白人民主政治的发展与政治权力的归属

美国的政治制度在内战之前的半个多世纪发生了重大变革,其显著标志是废除了选举权和担任官职的财产资格限制,确立了白人男性成人的选举权和担任官职资格,在制度上确立了白人民主制.然而在美国南部蓄奴州,奴隶制的社会整合作用导致政治权力落入奴隶主利益集团的掌控之中.这样,法制上的白人民主制在实际政治世界中就蜕变成了奴隶主统治.在内战前的南部政治世界中,在总体上奴隶主政治人物担当着领导角色,广大非奴隶主大众是奴隶主在政治活动中的附庸.     

Theoretical reflections

The article starts with a discussion about the frequent statement that culture is a marginal area in politics. It proceeds with an analysis of the phenomenon and concept of “the cultural turn” and its possible consequences for cultural democracy. Then there follows a reflection on the potential power of religion and culture in political developments. After these introductory sections I present and discuss what I call five “democracy dimensions” of cultural policy: norms and ideologies; distribution of economic resources; institutional structures and decision‐making procedures; agents and interests in the policy‐making process; and access to and participation in cultural life. The conclusion is that under certain circumstances culture may mobilise huge masses of people in political actions but this is unlikely to happen in Western European democracies where culture in a long historical process has been privatised and isolated from big politics by the establishment of a specific sphere with its own structures, norms, logics and discourses. It is questionable if cultural policies will be more democratic under the reign of global capitalism and new liberalism. “The cultural turn” is an ambivalent phenomenon which cannot by itself bring about more cultural democracy. The future of cultural democracy cannot be decided for by cultural life or the cultural policy system themselves, it is dependent on what will happen to democracy as a total political system, of which cultural policy is only a small part.