第一届国会选举再论

第一届国会选举在中国政治现代化过程中具有重要意义。本文力图从各政党对选举问题重视、政党候选人争取选票方式以及选民投票心态等方面对此次选举加以评析,借以说明它基本上是在法律许可范围内进行,各选民自由地表达了自己的政治倾向。从总体上看,这是一次成功的选举。     

1946年上海市参议会参议员选举论析

1946年4月28日,上海市举行参议员选举以组建上海市参议会.选举基本上是按照法定程序进行的,投票、开票,尤其是公开计票和当场公布选举结果,充分体现了选举的法制化和选举程序的规范化;但是,选举管理上的疏漏造成了选民人数失实、选举资格不符、选票流失严重等问题,尤其是在选举过程中出现了贿买、明抢、私藏选票等违规行为,以及“党控”现象,说明当时的中国,距离民主政治的理想,还有很遥远的一程.     

乡土文化制约下的农村基层民主选举制度的重构

全国各地在探索村民自治过程中,出现了平行选举、职次选举、叠加选举、累计选举四种选举方式,从选举制度本身来看,均重视了候选人个体素质的选择,体现了传统"选贤举能"的政治理念。缺点是忽视了发挥选举制度整体功能的重要性,不能很好地解决浓厚的乡土文化对民主选举的制约问题。     

1946年上海市参议会参议员竞选宣传考论北大核心CSSCI

抗战胜利后,民主契机在中国的出现催生了省县市参议会的普遍建立,上海市政府决定于1946年4月28日举行参议员选举,以组织上海市参议会,并举行为期一周的扩大宣传活动。竞选宣传成为候选人让选民了解自己的有效方式和途径。从竞选方式来看,有传统的演讲、宴请、标语、传单,也曾借助于现代手段的广播、报刊、广告等现代媒体。这些方式的综合运用,对推进现代选举制度具有积极意义,但主动竞选者的范围和受竞选影响的选举人的范围还都十分有限。     

1946年上海市参议会参议员竞选宣传考论

抗战胜利后,民主契机在中国的出现催生了省县市参议会的普遍建立,上海市政府决定于1946年4月28日举行参议员选举,以组织上海市参议会,并举行为期一周的扩大宣传活动。竞选宣传成为候选人让选民了解自己的有效方式和途径。从竞选方式来看,有传统的演讲、宴请、标语、传单,也曾借助于现代手段的广播、报刊、广告等现代媒体。这些方式的综合运用,对推进现代选举制度具有积极意义,但主动竞选者的范围和受竞选影响的选举人的范围还都十分有限。     

清末民初日本在奉天省的警察设置及其影响

明治维新后,日本确立征服中国和称霸世界的基本国策,侵略资源丰富的东北是征服中国的第一步。为实现此目标,日本以武力为后盾,积极在长春以南(主要是奉天省)进行行政构建,即设置日本警察,行使警察权。日本在奉天省设置的警察,由租借地扩展至铁路附属地,并伴随领事馆势力所及遍布全省,有的警察设置为依约继承俄国特权,有的则纯属非法。日本警察在奉天所属实行行政权,帮助日本移民侵夺土地,不断打压中国警权,九一八事变前基本实现奉天省绝大多数地区"无硝烟"的实际统治状态,使日本能在九一八事变后迅速占领奉天省,进而占领东北,将其变成对华战争的生命供给线。可见,清末民初设置于中国的日本警察是侵华战争中的隐形黑手。     

作为"过程"的历史:清末民初宪政侨务的立法与实践

论文从立法与实践互动过程的视角对清末民初的华侨宪政参与问题进行了回溯和研究,并总结个中华侨宪政参与的思想和侨务工作的现实借鉴。在清末民初宪政侨务的推进中,华侨作为特殊贡献群体,在体现公民权利与义务关系的宪政参与问题上逐渐由清末参议权推进到民初代议权阶段。自民初福建临时省议会率先赋予闽侨代议权至次年3月第一届国会参议院华侨参议员选举结束,海外侨社掀起持续大半年的选举潮,在选举潮实践与立法"互动过程"的展开中,宪政侨务立法逐渐趋向于完善;个中探索亦为后世落实华侨代议权提供了多元方案选择的经验借鉴和教训启示。     

中国乡村民主化的第一步

民主化是中国乡村社会现代化的一项重要主题，而民主化的进程又具体地落实在一些民主程序和民主制度之上，其中表现人民当家自主的最佳方法及完美程序，莫过于民主选举。因而民主选举是中国乡村民主化的重要起点和突破口。目前，全国各地乡村选举基本上是仿照或借鉴基层“人大”的选举方法，采取平行选举（或分别选举）的方法同时选举村委会的主任、副主任和委员。从选举制度本身来看，它只注重个体素质的选择，却忽视了整体的优化组合，并形成如下的民主悖论：在提名上越是充分发扬民主，越是难以形成协调合作的班子。事实上，由此产生的班…     

外刊摘要

美国《时代》周刊10月15日封面文章找不出的真相最新一期《时代》周刊封面文章称,在当前的美国总统选举中,无论是民主党的奥巴马还是共和党的罗姆尼,都号称要对选民诚实,但事实上,两人都没有做到这一点。奥巴马和罗姆尼阵营互相指责对方向选民传递了锴误的、欺骗性的信息。奥巴马助手批评罗姆尼的竞选活动建立在"谎言的三脚架"上,罗姆尼随后抗议说:"我在辩论中遇到的挑战是总统往往会说谎话。"美国总统选举中出现这样的相互指     

动向

重点中共党内民主呼唤竞争性选举制度南中共中央党校主办的《学习时报》近日刊登文章说,发展中共党内民主,就要改革和完善党内选举制度,建立党内竞争性选举制度。文章说,无论从民主的内容来说,还是从保障中共党员的权利来看,竞争性选举都是中共党内民主不可缺少的重要内容。竞争性选举是民主的标志,发展党内民主首先要建立体现中     

THE GEOGRAPHY OF ELECTIONS OF USSR PEOPLE'S DEPUTIES BY NATIONAL-TERRITORIAL DISTRICTS AND THE NATIONALITIES ISSUE

A Soviet political geographer analyzes elections to the USSR Congress of People's Deputies (March 26, 1989), based on returns from nationality-based electoral districts from which one-third of all deputies were elected (see Soviet Geography, October 1989 special issue). Topics investigated include problems in the partitioning of electoral districts (including analysis of the tendency toward the under-representation of cities relative to rural areas), the number of candidates vying for each deputy seat in various districts, the backgrounds of winning and losing candidates, and the extent to which elected deputies mirrored the nationality composition of their respective electoral districts. Translated by Jay K. Mitchell, PlanEcon, Inc., Washington, DC 20005.     

Gulliver unbound. Possible electoral reforms and the 2008 Italian election: Towards an end to ‘fragmented bipolarity’?

This article considers the systemic effects of the electoral reform approved by the centre-right in December 2005, and the factors that led to the crisis of the Prodi government, highlighting the way in which the issue of electoral reform and the likelihood of an electoral referendum contributed decisively to the breakdown of the fragile coalition maintaining the Prodi government in office. The article then analyses the ‘game’ surrounding possible electoral reforms, examining the interweaving of the preferences and vetoes of the various political actors, showing how these were influenced by the strategic aims of each actor and by the process of re-structuring of the party system. Finally, the new configuration of the political supply as it took shape in the run up to the 2008 general election is analysed, showing how this new format derives from the actors’ strategic adaptation to the electoral rules in force, and how the election may signal the end of a period of Italian politics marked by ‘fragmented bipolarity’.     

Electoral and Partisan Forces in the Roosevelt Era: The U.S. Congressional Elections of 1938

Since nearly all studies of U.S. congressional elections test competing theories with data from the postwar era, we know very little about the applicability of contemporary theories to elections in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This paper takes a first step in exploring theories of electoral politics in the historical context of the 1938 elections. I believe a closer look at this particular election is valuable for a variety of reasons. First, turnover among incumbents in 1938 was extremely high by contemporary standards, yet no systematic explanation for the record number of losses exists. Additionally, this political era was characterized by intense polarization between Congress and the president even though the Democrats controlled both institutions. An extended analysis of this historical era can also explore the role strategic challengers played in the electoral arena before the emergence of candidate-centered elections. By exploring these significant events, I shed light on an otherwise neglected aspect of American political development.     

Preservation of and Access to South Seas Photographs

In August 2001, in a constitutional reform of potentially far-reaching consequences, Papua New Guinea's parliament voted to change the country's electoral system. As a result of this decision, all elections held after 2002 will be conducted under a system of preferential voting. A similar system was used for Papua New Guinea's first three elections between 1964 and 1972, before the change to a first-past-the-post system at independence in 1975. This paper, drawing on a combination of historical records, election studies and recent observations, looks at the historical impact of both electoral systems in Papua New Guinea, and at the different kinds of political behaviour encouraged by them, including their divergent influences upon election campaigning, candidature rates, support levels for successful candidates, electoral violence and the party system. It concludes by examining the potential consequences of a return to preferential voting in Papua New Guinea.     

Electoral Messages from the District: Explaining Presidential Support in the U.S. House of Representatives

Legislators are highly sensitive to those parts of their reelection constituencies whose support is least solid. Therefore, out-party members of Congress should be more supportive of the opposing party's president when that president enjoys greater electoral support among the legislators' reelection constituencies. This hypothesis is tested in the U.S. House of Representatives during the 1980s and 1990s. The hypothesis is supported, even with controls for the ideology of the member and the political orientation of the district. The findings suggest legislators have a sophisticated view of their districts and perceive electoral messages from the voting patterns of their constituents. The results also imply that presidential success is conditioned by the forces that operate in the congressional election context.     

Ideas from ‘across the ditch’? Wedge politics in the 2005 New Zealand election

The 2005 New Zealand election campaign saw the use by the opposition National Party of a racialised and highly divisive ‘wedge politics’. Tensions between Mäori and Pakeha that had previously been managed through care and compromise were inflamed by talk of a New Zealand mainstream and the need for ‘one law for all’. In the context of a difficult national debate about Mäori rights to foreshore and seabed, this talk had strong echoes of recent Australian political discourse. It also had the effect of dramatically increasing the National Party vote in the election, and this research note speculates that, in a different electoral system, this may have been enough to see National form government.     

西方选举地理学的研究进展

选举地理学是政治地理学的重要研究领域之一。本文以Web of Science中选举地理学的学术论文为依据,借助科学计量工具,系统回顾了1982-2018年选举地理学的发展脉络,归纳了西方选举地理学的主要研究领域和研究范式。研究表明：选举地理学主要包括投票地理、选举制度、选区划分、选票转化四个领域;与此相应,西方学界对选举地理的研究范式可归纳为空间分析、地理制图、政治经济学、后结构主义。展望未来,选举地理学在解释中国的地方政治、基层选举、社区自治,以及推动中国政治地理学的学科发展方面将值得期待。     

The challenges to democracy and citizenship surrounding the vote to Italians overseas

In 2003, a presidential decree enacted legislation guaranteeing Italian voters overseas the right to postal voting as well as parliamentary representation within their respective electoral constituency. The electoral weight of the overseas-based constituent had a remarkable effect on the 2006 election results. In the tightest vote in the Republic's history, the vote of overseas Italians, which was one of the decisive features of the election, helped provide the winning centre-left coalition with a slender majority in the Senate. Election results notwithstanding, the question of whether to grant the vote to Italians overseas has faced challenges of a procedural, normative and political nature. What may have been initially seen as a democratic right may well be cast aside as it poses challenges to overseas electoral relationships with the Italian national polity, Italian citizenship and multinational allegiances, diasporic identity, electoral participation and political representation in homeland political institutions. The overseas vote for Italians may be contested further in the near future, which could translate into a radical rethink of its validity and democratic global extension.     

1953-1954年江苏基层普选中选举权审查的偏向与纠正

1953-1954年举行的第一次全国普选是人民代表大会制度建立的重要前提。作为全国普选的一个缩影,江苏基层普选是人民民主制度的重要实践。在试点阶段,江苏基层普选的选举权审查曾发生“左”的偏向,对此,江苏各级选举组织机构展开了有针对性的政策改进和纠偏,最终顺利完成普选。江苏对基层选举权的严格审查,既实现了人民内部最大范围的民主选举,彰显了党和政府实施民主选举的决心和能力,也进一步增强了人民群众的民主意识,推进了基层民主政治建设,具有重要的历史意义。