美国中央情报局在中国西藏的准军事行动新探(1949～1969)

1949～1969年,美国中央情报局在中国西藏从事了一系列准军事行动,其实质是为美国远东战略利益服务,目标是利用西藏分裂势力遏制与分裂中国。其具体内容包括:为西藏叛乱分子提供情报和准军事训练技术;在西藏实施公路袭扰和破坏行动;为达赖集团提供军事物资和活动经费;开展针对中国的情报活动,等等。     

20世纪50年代美国对中国的隐蔽行动

<正>20世纪50年代美国为破坏中苏关系,削弱苏联和中国的力量和影响,对中国实施了包括准军事行动和隐蔽的政治战、经济战、宣传战在内的全面隐蔽行动。其中准军事行动主要有:支持逃窜到缅甸的国民党残余势力袭击中国西南地区的"纸张"行动;支持西藏叛乱武装;支持台湾的国民党残余势力对中国大陆的袭击骚扰。隐蔽     

20世纪70年代美国的西藏政策

美国最新解密文件显示,20世纪70年代美国西藏政策发生了新变化:美国中央情报局虽然继续对西藏分裂势力进行援助,但是削减了援助资金的数额,尼克松政府对待达赖"访美"的立场经历了从拒绝到有条件支持的转变;福特政府时期,随着中美高层互访和交流的深入,西藏问题首次公开进入双边会谈议事议程,并就此拉开中美关于西藏问题对话的序幕。与此同时,美国国会也卷入西藏事务,其对西藏事务的干涉主要包括为达赖集团提供经济援助和政治支持,为日后国会以立法的形式干涉西藏事务埋下了伏笔。     

美国国会“涉藏立法”的历史考察

近二十年来,美国国会通过立法活动提出并通过了一系列干涉中国西藏事务的"涉藏议案"。其主要内容包括:要求美国政府将对华政策与"西藏问题"挂钩;以"西藏人权"为借口干涉西藏事务;为"藏独"势力提供援助,等等。作为美国对华人权外交的组成部分,这些"涉藏议案"对中美关系产生了不容忽视的负面影响,不仅使美国对中国所谓侵犯"西藏人权"问题的干涉长期存在,而且也在很大程度上助长了西藏分裂势力在国外的分裂活动。     

西藏和平解放前后《纽约时报》对中国西藏的报道探析

在西藏和平解放前后大约两年的时间里,美国《纽约时报》对中国西藏的报道主要包括西藏和平解放的进程、西藏分裂势力的相关活动、联合国如何插手西藏事务、美国关于西藏政策的变化以及印度、苏联的态度等内容。认真梳理《纽约时报》对中国西藏的报道,可以看出冷战思维及西藏的地缘战略重要性是美国关注西藏局势发展的重要考量因素。这一时期美国主流媒体对中国西藏报道内容的选择凸显了美国政府的政治取向,充满了冷战色彩,报道反映了冷战时期美国西藏政策的历史性交化和美国对印度政策的具体行动目的,严重混淆了国际视听。     

论点摘编

20世纪美国西藏政策述评 北京师范大学历史系教授李晔发表在《西藏研究》2003年第二期上的文章认为,美国政府从来没有公开否认西藏是中国领土的一部分,但是在冷战和遏制中国的政策下,一直奉行实用主义原则和双重标准,即承认中国对西藏的主权地位,又支持达赖分裂势力     

西藏代表出席国民大会档案资料

西藏从十三世纪的元朝归入中国版图以后,一直是中国领土不可分割的一部份。史实如此,众所周知。中华民国成立后,按照孙中山“五族共和”政治主张,历届民国政府都十分注意吸收蒙藏等少数民族上层人士参与国家的政治生活。如:北洋时期的国会参众两院、1931年国民会议、抗战时期的国民参政会、1946年国民政府召开的制宪国民大会及1948年召开的行宪国民大会等,西藏均派出代表参加。外国资本主义列强觊觎西藏由来已久,1840年鸦片战争以后,西方资本主义列强加紧了对我国的侵略,西藏则成为英国殖民主义者的重要侵略目标。他们千方百计地在西藏上层统治集团内部培植自己的势力,进行分裂西藏的活动,以达到把西藏从祖国大家庭中分裂出去的目的。但是,他们的梦想一直未能得逞。本组所辑档案资料,可以使我们进一步了解民国时期西藏地方与中央政府的关系,为西藏各族人民是祖国大家庭中不可缺少的一员提供了有力的佐证,同时亦揭露了国际敌对势力策划西藏独立分裂中国的阴谋活动。     

无根漂泊几时休?

1995年的11月,全国政协主席李瑞环同志在班禅转世灵童寻访领导小组第三次会议发表了重要讲话：“达赖1959年武装叛乱失败逃离西藏,一贯坚持其背叛、分裂祖国的反动立场。近几年,在外国某些势力的怂恿下,他错误估计形势,变本加厉地进行分裂祖国的活动,一面在国内藏区策划、煽动骚乱,一面乞求洋人支持,妄图使西藏问题国际化。达赖处心积虑地利用班禅转世问题大做文章,其目的就是要改变班禅爱国的历史传统,为他分裂祖国、搞乱西藏服务。大量事实表明,达赖是图谋西藏独立的分裂主义政治集团的总头子,是国际反华势力的忠实工具,是在…     

唐初的中尼交通研究

民国时期,是中国历史上大变革的时代。张羽新发表在《中国藏学》2000年第四期上的章,对民国期间历届中央政府对西藏地方行使主权和施政的基本情况作了简要论述。第一,维护国家对西藏的主权。利用政府宣言和立法等形式．维护国家对西藏的主权,是民国时期中央政府对西藏地方施政的主要方针。民国之初,外国侵略势力妄图乘中国政权更替、局势动荡之机,实现分裂我国西藏     

汤姆斯父子入藏:美国插手中国西藏问题的开始

1949年夏秋,美国政府决定选派"无线电评论员"汤姆斯父子入藏"探险"。入藏之后,他们竭力鼓吹西藏是"独立国",要求美国政府援助噶厦中的分裂分子。在拉萨期间,汤姆斯父子竭力蛊惑噶厦官员组建游击部队,以游击战术阻止人民解放军进军西藏,表示美国会予以援助。美国虽未公开声称西藏是"独立国",但是开始援助并考虑派官员以"旅行家"名义再次入藏。汤姆斯父子入藏,是美国在新中国成立前采取干涉西藏问题的重大举措,企图阻挠中国共产党顺利解决西藏问题。     

1950年美国媒体对马克南入藏事件的报道剖析

20世纪40年代,以美国国务院驻中国迪化领事馆副领事身份为掩护的中情局间谍马克南在中国新疆从事秘密谍报活动,并于新中国成立前夕率一行五人队伍自中国新疆秘密入藏。但《纽约时报》等美国媒体却矢口否认马克南的间谍身份,并指责"中国的宣传机器在制造美国特务案例"。美国媒体对马克南入藏事件的报道是历史真实与谎言的混合体,其报道内容的缺失,直接影响了美国民众对事实真相的全面了解和客观判断,对今日美国人"西藏观"的形成产生了消极的影响。     

The CIA’s paramilitary operations during the cold war: an assessment

Using a representative sample of CIA paramilitary operations during the Cold War, this essay identifies continuities and discontinuities among administrations and analyses the responses of the US press and Congress to paramilitary operations. It wrestles with the meaning of success and failure. Success is defined, first, in a narrow sense – did the operations achieve the objectives set by the president of the United States? Then, it is defined more broadly: did the CIA’s paramilitary operations serve the national interests of the United States?     

Tibet and the Problem of Radical Reductionism

Abstract:  This article takes issue with a mode of argumentation advanced by a number of left-leaning, radical scholars, including those associated with China's New Left, about the causes of the Tibetan unrest in China in spring 2008. According to this stance, the Tibetan protests were the result of external manipulation by neoconservative, reactionary forces, ranging from the CIA to the Dalai Lama. The unstated premise of this response is that taking a critical stance against western imperialism and neoliberal globalization necessitates a defense of China's policies in Tibet. Such arguments take the form of unfavorable comparisons between Tibetans and Palestinians especially because the former are often romanticized, suggestions that Tibetans are unfortunate ideological victims of US-funded propaganda, and claims that they should be grateful for Chinese state-funded development. This response renders Tibetans incapable of being authentic political subjects. A radical stance on Western imperialism and capitalism should reject such reductionism.     

20世纪40-50年代美国对中国西藏政策的历史演变

The U.S. policy toward Tibet has always changed in accordance with the U.S. international strategy and the U.S. foreign policy toward China. Before the foundation of the People’s Republic of China, the U.S. admitted Chinese sovereignty over Tibet. During the Cold War, due to its anti-communism strategy, the U.S. began to consider recognizing the independence claim of Tibetan separatists, especially after 1959, when the Dalai Lama was exiled abroad. However, the U.S. government has not openly admitted Tibet is an independent country, because, in the light of the historical development of Tibet within China, claims of independence cannot be substantiated and therefore Tibetan separatism cannot win the recognition or support of the majority of countries in the world.     

MR.PALDO TALKS ABOUT TIBETAN TRADITIONAL SPORTS

Mr.Paldo is a famous person;not only is he gifted at studies in Tibetan music and recognized for his music monographs, but has had rich experience in Tibetan folk culture as well.In old Tibet,he worked for merchants as a team member of caravans to transport goods,perform on the flute,or even act as a soldier.This rich life experience has enabled him to be knowledgeable in Tibetan folk culture.     

人类踏上青藏高原的第一步:西藏旧石器时代考古的新成果

Since the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949,tremendous achievements have been made in archaeology in Tibet.A series of new archaeological finds provided important physical evidence for rewriting the ancient history of Tibet,proving eloquently the close connection between Tibetan and mainland Chinese cultures and outlining how Tibetan civilization gradually became part of the Chinese nation as a whole.Starting from this issue,the column will introduce some of the most influential archaeological discoveries.     

Symbol and power: the Dalai Lama as a charismatic leader

This article originated in a brief but inspiring analysis by Margaret Nowak. Nowak used Sherry Ortner's concept of ‘summarising symbol’ to imply that, much the same way as the American flag was the epitome of the United States to each and every American, the Dalai Lama encompasses everything Tibetan to the Tibetan people. What does this comparison say about the Dalai Lama? I examine the relationship between symbol, power and charisma with Tenzin Gyatso, the current Dalai Lama, as a case in point. With exile, there has been a shift in the symbolic importance of the Dalai Lama, both as a man and as an institution, from a symbol of Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism to a symbol of the Tibetan cause and, more generally, to a symbol of Buddhism in the world. These changes have given Tenzin Gyatso a new authority in the Tibetan community: he is now the unique and unquestioned leader of the Tibetan cause in the world. I discuss the problems that occur when a symbol is also a man and a leader, as well as the solutions proposed, at a moment when the Tibetan community in exile is experiencing democratisation.