Labour's Strategic Defence Review

Labour’s Strategic Defence Review claims to be ‘radical’, leading ‘to a fundamental reshaping of British forces’ while being ‘firmly ground in foreign policy’. Five questions are discussed: 1) Is labour’s defence policy different from that of its Conservative predecessors? 2) Has foreign policy ‘led’ defence policy? 3) How open was the review process and to what extent has Labour succeeded in creating a new consensus on defence policy? 4) Has the SDR successfully addressed the problem of overstretch? 5) Does it provide the ‘modern, effective and affordable armed forces which meet today’s challenges but are also flexible enough to adapt to change’, as it claims? This article argues that on the first two questions the answer is a qualified ‘yes’; that on the third, the process was more open than ever before but that it is difficult to identify specific decisions influence by more open debate; that on the fourth, Labour has attempted a balancing act which may be vulnerable, not least to changes in the economy; and that on the last question, Labour has succeeded in shifting the focus of the armed services towards power projection capabilities as required by their foreign policy baseline.     

The First Century Historians of Roman Britain

The 'stratigraphy' of literary sources is a matter that archaeologists need to bear in mind if or when they attempt to employ them in supplementing or interpreting archaeological material. The work of earlier historians is 'redeposited' in that of later writers in a great variety of ways and in a variable state of completeness. This can be seen in the different treatments by Tacitus and Dio Cassius of the Boudican rebellion, and their use of earlier material revealed in this comparison should alert us to the need for extreme care in assessing events for which only one literary source exists such as the Roman invasion of Britain in AD43.     

New Labour's Escape from Class Politics

The connection between trade unions and parties of the left is traditionally close across Europe. In Britain the link is more than close: it is intimate, defining, and constitutive of what the Labour Party is and has been since its inception. This link allowed the party to survive during bad times and helped it to govern during good times, but during the 1970s it became less helpful, as policies backed by the unions not only failed to work but were also repudiated by union members themselves in what came to be known as the "winter of discontent" in 1979. New Labour was therefore built on the understanding that its past connection to the unions, and hence to a particular sort of "class politics," needed to be rethought and renegotiated. It is the new defining feature of the Labour Party.     

Strategies for Teaching Maritime Archaeology in the Twenty First Century

Maritime archaeology is a multi-faceted discipline that requires both theoretical learning and practical skills training. In the past most universities have approached the teaching of maritime archaeology as a full-time on-campus activity designed for ‘traditional’ graduate students; primarily those in their early twenties who have recently come from full-time undergraduate study and who are able to study on-campus. The needs of mature-age and other students who work and live in different places (or countries) and therefore cannot attend lectures on a regular basis (or at all) have largely been ignored. This paper provides a case study in the teaching of maritime archaeology from Australia that, in addition to ‘traditional’ on-campus teaching, includes four main components: (1) learning field methods through field schools; (2) skills training through the AIMA/NAS avocational training program; (3) distance learning topics available through CD-ROM and using the Internet; and (4) practicums, internships and fellowships. The author argues that programs to teach maritime archaeology in the twenty first century need to be flexible and to address the diverse needs of students who do not fit the ‘traditional’ model. This involves collaborative partnerships with other universities as well as government underwater cultural heritage management agencies and museums, primarily through field schools, practicums and internships.     

20世纪前半期的中国社会变迁(1900～1949)

以帕森斯的社会平衡理论来解释中国的社会变迁,工业化就成为近代中国社会变迁的原动力。工业化的社会需要新知识分子和科技人才,这两类人跃升为工业社会精英份子的一部分,这是社会的第一种变迁。随着工业化而来的是工商阶层的兴起,工商业者及银行家成为工业社会的精英份子,这是社会的第二种变迁。当工商阶层兴起以后,人口集中城市是社会的第三种变迁。当工业化与都市化进行时,家庭制度也发生改变,由大家庭变成小家庭,且孝道也呈式微之势,这是社会的第四种变迁。     

Ottoman Merchants in Constantinople During the First Half of the Fifteenth Century

Abstract

Despite growing interest among both Byzantinists and Ottoman scholars in the respective long-distance commercial ventures of Byzantine Greek and Ottoman Muslim merchants, studies focusing on the trade relations between these two groups have not yet been undertaken. This article, which examines some sources that document the presence and economic activities of Ottoman Turks in Constantinople during the first half of the fifteenth century, is intended to serve as a contribution to this neglected field of study. Moreover, by means of an examination of commercial relations, the article aims to shed further light on the daily, informal contacts between the Byzantines and the Ottomans which remains a relatively unexplored aspect of Byzantine-Ottoman relations.     

论十九世纪上半期理学在知识界的状况

本文在大力发掘理学书籍出版、销售等资料的基础上,选取适当历史时段,对不同时期理学书籍的出版状况做数据统计,并从学者的意见与观感、国家政策的调整与实施以及理学书籍的刊刻与撰述等三个层面,考察理学在十九世纪上半期知识界的状况。认为:嘉庆朝前期理学处于衰微至极的尴尬境地,这种状态引起少数有识之士的忧虑和关注,因而出现各种倡导理学的意见;嘉庆十八年发生的天理教事件,不但导致清廷在文化政策方面作出重大调整,也使得民间那些倡导理学的意见成为官方政策和行为;在朝野的共同努力下,理学在嘉庆朝后期尤其是道光朝逐渐恢复生机,并在理学书籍的刊刻与撰述层面有明确体现。道咸以降理学的兴起,正是这一趋势持续发展的结果。     

历史主义与20世纪上半期的中国史学

历史主义作为一种对待历史的方法和态度,在西方可谓由来已久。但是,作为一种系统的历史哲学思想,它却是对19世纪盛行一时的实证主义史学的直接反动。在西方的学术界,历史主义又被划分为“德意志类型的历史主义”和“绝对主义的历史主义”两大类型。所谓德意志类型的历史主义,就是指由德国哲学家狄尔泰、德尔班和李凯尔特等人创立和发展起来的新康德主义的历史学说。     

Theory,Practice, Life: Rethinking Americanist Anthropology for the Twenty- First Century

Collier, Jane Fishburne, and Sylvia Junko Yanagisako, eds. Gender and Kinship: Essays Toward a Unified Analysis. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987. xiii + 369 pp. including references. $39.50 cloth.

Lamphere, Louise. From Working Daughters to Working Mothers: Immigrant Women in a New England Industrial Community. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987. xviii + 390 pp. including references and index. $45.00 cloth; $14.95 paper.

Shaver, Phillip, and Clyde Hendrick, eds. Sex and Gender. Newbury Park, California: Sage Publications, 1987. 328 pp. including references. No price.     

略论19世纪上半期德国社会三大思潮

19世纪上半期,自由主义、民族主义、保守主义等三大思潮影响着德国社会的发展。自由主义在德国表现出温和、保守和依赖国家政权的特点;民族主义首先是资产阶级化的知识分子的运动,呈现浓烈的文化色彩;保守主义则以传统、秩序和稳定为原则,展开了与自由主义、民族主义等要求改变现状者的对抗。三大思潮对日后德国历史的走向产生了重要影响。     

20世纪上半叶龙泉仿古青瓷的生产概况

20世纪上半叶,因海内外市场需求等原因,在浙江龙泉的宝溪、八都、木岱口一带出现了几家仿制南宋、元、明时期龙泉窑青瓷器的小型怍坊,部分产品则属创新之怍。龙泉市博物馆收藏了少量作品,其中以宝溪张高岳所制居多。     

A Distorting Mirror: The Sixteenth Century in the Historical Imagination of the First Hispanic Liberals

Summary

Both Iberian and Spanish American liberals in the early decades of the nineteenth century based their political stances upon a particular vision of Spanish history. This vision, nourished by the stereotypes of the so-called ‘black legend’, correspond to an extremely gloomy picture of the main events and processes that had been taking place in the Hispanic monarchy since the late fifteenth century, such as the discovery and conquest of America and the outcome of the Comunidades of Castile war. This essay shows how those first Hispanic liberals, many of whom spent several years in exile, hoping to make sense of that period of uncertainty and revolutionary crisis, sought inspiration in the philosophies of history which were beginning to spread from Northern Europe regarding the decisive role of Protestantism in the origins of modernity. In endorsing such a derogatory vision of the history of their own countries, which included an evaluation of Catholicism as a retrograde factor, those liberal writers and politicians bequeathed to their descendants an interpretative framework that would prove to be very long lasting. In fact, much of the political and intellectual historiography on the Iberian world would be conditioned for a long time by a paradigm which described its past as an anomaly in the Euroamerican context, and assumed the subordinate and peripheral position of the region, portrayed as a kind of ‘interior Orient’—that is, as an aberration of Western civilisation.