The Boer War and the Media (1899-1902)

The South African War that broke out in October 1899 was bothvery old and very new. It was a traditional war, the last ofthe old-fashioned British imperial wars, with cavalry playinga significant part. But it was also a very modern war, for instancein the British Army's use of railways to subdue the Boers inthe early months of 1900, or the use of trench warfare by theBoers along the Modder river. It was disturbingly new in theway that it changed in the autumn of 1900 from a war betweenarmies to a guerrilla war against a civilian population, mostdistastefully so in the British concentration camps set up tohouse Boer women and children. Above all, it was a distinctlycontemporary war in its impact on the media, especially thenewspapers, and in the interaction between the media and thoseparticipating in the fighting. It was a significant war, farbigger than originally expected, and was therefore big news.The British Army, ill-prepared for the original Boer invasionof Natal, at first numbered 75,000 troops. In the end, the Britishand imperial forces totalled 450,000 with contingents from Canada,Australia, New Zealand, and India. The British lost 22,000 men,13,000 of them from disease. The Boers lost about 7,000 in thefield, while another 27,000 (many of them very young children)are estimated to have died in the concentration camps. Therewere also about 20,000 black and ‘coloured’ Africanswho died in concentration camps, though this was little reportedat the time. So it was a major episode in British military history.The impact on British opinion of the relief of Ladysmith andespecially of Mafeking in 1900 was quite overwhelming. In afrenzy of ‘jingo’ celebration, the verb ‘mafficking’entered the language. In these circumstances, the consequencesof the Boer War on the media and its representation of war wereinevitably massive.     

日俄战争对近代中韩关系的影响

在日俄战争期间,中国清政府与大韩帝国都曾宣布“局外中立”,却一同沦为这场帝国主义战争中直接遭受日俄军队侵略的一对“中立国家”。不仅如此,两国的双边关系也受到直接的影响,如两国边界问题及渔业利益纷争就没有得到中央政府层面的及时协商与处理,从而成为此后影响两国关系发展的悬案。在1905年9月日俄签订的《朴茨茅斯条约》中,中韩两国的领土主权更是成为日俄两个帝国主义之间分赃的牺牲品,大韩帝国沦为日本的“保护国”与中韩两国公使级外交关系的终结便是其直接的后果,从而导致了中韩两国及其双边关系在近代东亚乃至世界国际关系中的进一步边缘化。     

论古代战争对政治权力的影响——以战利品赏赐与人力资源为例

本文从三个方面分析了战争与政治权力的关系,并以战利品的赏赐和人力资源的利用为例,探讨了古代战争对政治权力的影响。作者的论点是：战争可以通过各种物质因素影响政治权力。战争需要从多方面进行投资,其结果也直接影响国家的物质基础。赏赐战利品对王权产生双重影响,既可以激励士兵,提高军人的忠诚度,也可以导致军人压力集团的形成或军心涣散,从而削弱王权。新的人力资源（战俘、奴隶和臣民）为巩固王权提供了便利条件。作者认为对殉葬的传统解释过分强调政治层面而忽略了这一现象的宗教文化因素。     

Domestic Impact of the Korean War

Book reviewed in this article:
Paul G. Pierpaoli, Truman and Korea: The Political Culture of the Early Cold War     

略论美国内战在经济上的代价和影响

查尔斯和玛利·比尔德在他们的名著《美国文明的兴起》中把内战称为“第二次美国革命”。这不仅仅是因为内战解放了 40 0万黑奴和废除了奴隶制 ,而且是因为比尔德夫妇认为内战推动了美国工业资本主义的迅速发展。路易斯·海克后来对此作了进一步阐发。他认为内战中的政治权力转移替“工业资本主义的代言人”提供了完成其经济蓝图的机会。海克引述为证的战时措施包括关税、《银行法》、铁路土地赠与、《宅地法》、《莫里尔法》以及《契约劳工法》等等 ①。在比尔德和海克看来 ,内战是美国资本主义经济发展中的一个分水岭或者说转折点。他们这…     

International Relations after the Cold War

This article, based on Adam Roberts's valedictory lecture as Montague Burton Professor of International Relations at Oxford University, reconsiders the causes and consequences of the end of the Cold War. It argues that a key to understanding these developments is acceptance of pluralism—of theories, of political systems, of cultures, of methods of analysis, and of academic disciplines. Pluralism in at least some of these senses is a recognized strength of International Relations studies in the UK. The long tradition of acceptance of a plural international system, and a plural approach to understanding it, includes figures as varied as John Stuart Mill, Maxim Litvinoff, Alastair Buchan and Hedley Bull. The end of the Cold War was the result of a plural mix of factors: both force and diplomacy; both pressure and détente; both belief and disbelief in the reformability of communism; both civil resistance in some countries and guerrilla resistance in others; both elite action and street politics; both nuclear deterrence and the ideas of some of its critics; both threat and reassurance; both nationalism in the disparate parts of the Soviet empire and supranationalism in the European Community. Paradoxically, the specialists in politics and International Relations who came closest to foreseeing the end of the Cold War were those who made few if any claims to a ‘scientific’ approach, and whose idea of forecasting was based, at the very most, on Mill's modest concept of ‘a certain order of possible progress’. Since the end of the Cold War, simplistic interpretations of how it ended have contributed to narrow understandings of international order. The spirit of imposed universalism having fed from Moscow, has flourished as never before in its other favourite haunt, Washington DC. There is a need to recognize the plurality of perspectives that endure in the post‐Cold War world.     

略论冷战后美国的国际安全理论

冷战结束后,为维持"一超"霸权地位,美国的国际安全理论与实践发生了巨大的变化。在理论上,"终结主义范式"理论、"文明冲突范式"理论和"霸权稳定范式"理论在美国政府的决策上占据了主导地位。这些理论鼓吹大国之间和"民主"国家之间的冲突已经结束,现在的冲突,是异质文化与西方文化的"文明冲突"。为了国际安全,需要改造异质文化,消除"暴政",推行"民主"。为此,美国可以"先发制人",对"威胁"其国际安全的国家或其他行为体进行军事打击,以"结束世界上的暴政"。这些理论导致了美国的对外干涉、战争和冲突。这充分证明,在冷战结束后,不仅非传统安全因素威胁着国际安全,美国霸权主义更威胁着国际安全,需要充分揭露和批判。     

International History and International Relations Theory: A Dialogue Beyond the Cold War

Until recently, there has been little 'real' dialogue in Cold War studies between International Relations theorists and international historians. In many ways this is not surprising. For the most part, International Relations theorists took the Cold War as an immutable feature of the international system. Historians did indeed seek to explain the outbreak of the Cold War and the historic features that had given rise to American hegemony and Soviet opposition, but they did so primarily by concentrating largely on archival and related research with only limited attention given to the bigger issues of the Cold War world. However, as the article demonstrates, a dialogue between historians and theorists over some key aspects of the Cold War, such as the role of ideology, is now timely. The evolution of both a broader conception of International History, as well as the partial opening of communist archives and a range of new developments in International Relations, means that it is now possible to 'rethink' the Cold War using both history and International Relations theory.     

The Impact of the First World War and the Polish-Soviet War on the ‘Culture of Suffering’ in Post-1914 Polish Fiction

ABSTRACT

Using Jeffrey C. Alexander’s theory of cultural trauma, this article focuses on the three major types of narratives of suffering which appeared in Polish fiction, after Poland regained political independence in 1918, outside the strong myth-creating narrative of the Polish Legions’ role in the war for independence. It argues that Polish post-1918 fiction developed these three major paths in the face of suffering inflicted on Polish lands, during WWI and Polish-Soviet War. These paths were to: 1) continue the narrative of Polish suffering within the framework of heroic, and selfless, sacrifice for Poland that has been well established since Romanticism; 2) present suffering as the universal fate of humanity outside the notion of national identity, due to the monstrosity of modern bureaucratic systems wherein human beings are treated as objects; and 3) present suffering as the result of modern warfare, but told outside of “patriotic phraseology” – thus suggesting a growing need as to finding a solution to national conflicts outside narrowly defined identities.     

上海万国红十字会救济日俄战灾述论

日俄战争爆发后,为“医治战地因战被伤之战国及局外兵民,救护战地之无关战事因战被难人民”,1904年3月10日,中、英、法、德、美五国在上海发起成立“上海万国红十字会”,筹款募捐,添设分会,实施救援。三年中,救护出险、收治伤病、留养资遣、赈济安置总人数达46·7万人,谱写出一曲国际人道主义的颂歌。     

二战对美国民权运动的影响

二战期间,为“四大自由”而战成为美国参战的官方目的。这使得美国的种族歧视和隔离问题比以往更为突出。虽然二战没有改变黑人问题在美国政治中的边缘地位,但二战反法西斯的战争性质以及战时经济的发展为黑人争取民权的斗争创造了更好的空间。二战冲击了白人种族主义对美国社会的控制,促进了黑人民权组织的发展,激发了黑人争取民权的战斗精神。