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联邦党人与反联邦党人关于宪法批准问题的争论   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
《美国宪法》是近代世界最早、也是迄今为止延续时间最长的一部成文宪法。在它制定至批准的3年中,联邦党人与反联邦党人展开了激烈的辩论,各自发表了他们建立国家的一系列设想。通过对他们在争论中所涉及的联邦政府的性质、联邦政府与州政府的关系、《权利法案》等焦点问题的探讨,有助于揭示宪法最终获得批准的深层原因,并重新认识两大派别在美国宪政发展史中的地位和作用。  相似文献   

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彭涛 《史学月刊》2020,(4):79-86
护国运动后,宪法会议在国人期待中召开,却因党争激烈,久议而不能决,制宪工作陷入困境。对此,章士钊再提"调和立国"之法,希望以此破解制宪僵局。"调和"逐渐成为制宪的主流思想主张,为大多数议员接纳,并促成"孔教入宪"等诸多争议问题的解决。然而,该主张却始终无法解决"省制入宪"和"解散权与不信任决议权"等问题,导致宪法会议停滞,国会也因此被再次解散。宪法会议失败的原因在于各党派将自身利益凌驾于国民利益之上,破坏了共同的利益基础,共识难以形成,宪法也就成了镜花水月。  相似文献   

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清末民初城市的"公共休闲"与"公共时间"   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
李长莉 《史学月刊》2007,(11):82-89
城市近代工商业的发展是市民生活城市化、社会化、公共化的自然要求和必然结果,是市民生活公共领域的重要组成部分,也为民间社团、学会活动及公众集会、演说、演出等公共活动提供了条件。这一时期群众性的政治活动和文化活动剧烈频繁的壮观局面,使人们思想交流和互动空前频繁,形成日益趋同的思想变革节奏和价值取向,成为清末民初政治鼎革的社会文化基础。这是近代公民社会公共领域所形成的社会文化效应。  相似文献   

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南京民国建筑调查报告   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
民国建筑是指民国时期建设的,具有一定历史文化价值的建筑物。民国定都南京,从1912年算起是38年,从1927年算起是23年,其中有8年迁都重庆。正是在这二三十年时间里,留下了900多万平方米有特色的建筑,其中有代表性的建筑不下200座,使南京成为一座规模宏大的“中国近现代建筑历史博物馆”。“汉唐建筑看西安,明清建筑看北京,民国建筑看南京”,已经成为广泛的共识。民国建筑是南京历史文化名城特色的一个重要组成部分。  相似文献   

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李剑鸣 《史学集刊》2007,52(5):32-42
"语境主义"意识对于历史研究具有重要的意义。历史学家在解读具体的史料时,只有清楚而准确地把握史料产生的"历史语境",以及由相关研究构成的"史学语境",才有可能探明史料的"原意",进而恰当地运用史料。  相似文献   

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在美国宪法第一修正案的框架内,对侵害他人名誉的诽谤言论的界定和相关论点和争议经历了一个不断发展的调整的过程,这一过程既继承传统,又不断突破传统,对我们在这一领域的思考具有借鉴意义。  相似文献   

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This study aims to shed light on the experience of the Jordanian constitutional reforms during the era of King Abdullah II and the Arab Spring. Moreover, this study provides a comprehensive and integrated view of these vital reforms and the democratic process in Jordan. With due consideration to the fact that the constitution represents the backbone of any political regime, constitutional developments in Jordan have been reviewed since the first Jordanian Constitution was drafted in 1928. By analyzing the most recent constitutional amendments, we identify the main features of these amendments as well as their strengths and weaknesses, potential for success or risk of failure, and the positive and negative reactions thereto. This study provides a summary and recommendation, notably, the need for further constitutional amendments to consolidate the process of reform and democracy in Jordan.  相似文献   

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Throughout history, presidents have invoked a broad array of powers. Some are legitimate and well grounded; others exceed constitutional boundaries and have met defeat in Congress, the courts, and the public. Still others originate from historical errors by the Supreme Court, particularly in the field of external affairs. The powers analyzed in this article begin with these: enumerated, implied, inherent, prerogative, ministerial, and discretionary. Presidential instruments of power include executive orders and proclamations. The erroneous “sole organ” doctrine, first appearing in the Curtiss-Wright case of 1936, was at issue in the Jerusalem passport case of Zivotofsky v. Kerry. The scope of unilateral executive authority is being tested in initiatives by the Obama administration in the field of immigration policy.  相似文献   

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Given the history of the institution in the U.S., it is perhaps not surprising that few democracies have adopted a vice presidency. But, why do any countries have vice presidencies? What, if any, functions do they fulfill? In this paper we examine constitutional provisions for vice presidencies in 29 presidential democracies throughout the world. Specifically, we examine the extent to which the office of the vice presidency fulfills three possible institutional purposes: succession, legislative, or executive functions. Almost all vice presidencies included in our analysis fulfill the role of successor in the event of a presidential vacancy. Of those that have additional duties, most are assigned executive functions, while a few are assigned legislative functions. On the whole, the paper provides empirical evidence that vice presidencies seem to be marginal institutions.  相似文献   

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