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DEREK J. PENSLAR. The Engineering of Jewish Settlement in Palestine, 1870–1918. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991. Pp. xiv, 210. $25.00 (us).

JACOB BARNAI. The Jews in Palestine in the Eighteenth Century: Under the Patronage of the Istanbul Committee of Officials for Palestine, trans. Naomi Goldblum. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1992. Pp. xi, 305. $39.95 (us).

BARUCH KIMMERLING and JOEL S. MIGDAL. Palestinians: The Making of a People. New York: Free Press (Macmillan), 1993. Pp. xix, 396. $29.95 (us).

MAYIR VERETÉ. From Palmerston to Balfour: Collected Essays of Mayir Vereté, ed. Norman Rose. London: Frank Cass, 1992. Pp. xiv, 233. £28.00.

ISSA KHALAF. Politics in Palestine: Arab Factionalism and Social Disintegration, 1939–1948. Albany: State University Press of New York, 1991. Pp. xix, 318. $19.95 (us).

ANITA SHAPIRA. Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881–1948, trans. William Templer. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Pp. x, 446. $59.00 (CDN).  相似文献   

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In response to the poor working conditions suffered by domestics struggling to survive the Depression, middle-class women's organizations initiated various legislative reforms aimed at tackling the problems they believed plagued the occupation. Throughout these years, organized women debated three key pieces of reform related to domestic service: efforts to suppress street-corner markets, health requirements for prospective domestics, and state-level wage and hour reform. These reforms were united by the rhetoric of privacy, which clubwomen used both to oppose wage and hour reform and to support requirements that domestics have physicals before applying for work. This article examines the fine distinction that middle-class women's organizations drew between public and private in the appropriate application of government power and the resulting conflict between progressive women's gender ideology and their most deeply-held reform ideals. In doing so, it reveals organized women's struggle to reconcile their humane ideals with the reality in their kitchens.  相似文献   

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The Mulla Mustafa revolt of 1943–45 threatened to undermine the authority of the already vulnerable Iraqi government. In formulating a response, both the Iraqi prime minister and the British embassy wanted to prevent Kurdish nationalists from appropriating the revolt for their own ends. Sir Kinahan Cornwallis, the British Ambassador to Iraq, called for a ‘New Deal’ for the Kurds, encouraging development and investment in Kurdish areas as a means of drawing them under the control of central government authority. Iraqi Minister Majid Mustafa offered similar suggestions for infrastructure projects. In this instance, British and Iraqi priorities aligned and both hoped that reform would appease the Kurds and strengthen the Iraqi state. Britain's Kurdish policy during the Second World War demonstrates the continuing tension, dating back to the Mandate period, between its commitment to a united Iraq and the paternalistic sense of responsibility for the Kurds felt by many of its officials, in particular, the political advisers posted in the northern provinces. Despite British and Iraqi attempts to dismiss the Mulla Mustafa revolt as an ‘isolated tribal uprising’, it has entered the Kurdish narrative as a transformative moment in the Iraqi Kurdish national movement.  相似文献   

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This article examines the impact of humanitarian aid on conflict, focusing especially on two main issues: the usefulness of a political economy approach in analysing the impact of international humanitarian aid on conflict dynamics; and the way that humanitarian aid organizations confront some of the major policy dilemmas inherent in working with failed states, such as military protection, aid conditionality, and neutrality. After a discussion of these issues, a case study is presented which compares the nature of humanitarian aid in Cambodia over two time periods, with the intention of illuminating alternative models that have been utilized by the international community in responding to state failure with humanitarian aid.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Rewilding is a strategy for the conservation of complete, self-sustaining ecosystems, primarily involving the protection and, where necessary, reintroduction, of populations of keystone species in large, connected reserve networks. A potential method of preserving ecosystem functions and biodiversity, it is now receiving a great deal of practical and political attention, particularly in North America. In Scotland, where many native species have been extirpated in the relatively recent past, rewilding has clear relevance and may provide an overarching set of objectives for current programmes of native woodland restoration and species reintroductions. Nevertheless, rewilding is not widely used as a term or strategy in Scottish conservation. This review considers the development of the concept and its possible application in Scotland, and identifies substantial scope for rewilding, in terms of the restoration and protection of large areas of wild land, and of the reintroduction of native species which have been driven to extinction by human activity. As the environmental, social and economic benefits which are likely to result from a programme of rewilding in Scotland outweigh the potential drawbacks, the adoption of rewilding is recommended as one aim of environmental policy.  相似文献   

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Pierpaolo Mudu 《对极》2018,50(2):447-455
Italy could be considered a social laboratory in relation to radical theories, practices, struggles and radical political conditions. It is worth exploring what kind of laboratory Italy is and investigating some of the features of current struggles that challenge neoliberalism and the revival of fascism. One way to grasp the specificity of the Italian context is by considering an inherent set of social conflicts that take the form of multidimensional challenges, embracing social, cultural, economic and decision‐making dimensions. Put succinctly, a prefigurative politics is the lens suggested to interpret the experience of squatting and commoning, which are the fundamental attributes of many related struggles over housing and Social Centers and environmental protection.  相似文献   

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The research note investigates the growing economic and political interaction between two important Pacific Rim players, Chile and New Zealand, and analyses the rationale for the Closer Economic Partnership that is currently under discussion. Having analysed the data on trade between the countries it suggests that a mixture of strategic and symbolic geopolitical/geo‐economic factors are driving the agreement rather than the desire to increase bilateral commodity exchange. As it is presently constructed, the agreement is likely to bestow disproportionate benefits on specific corporate actors in certain sectors. A research agenda for monitoring the broader impacts of the agreement is offered.  相似文献   

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What is a boat? Our notions of what constitutes a good boat are tested when it comes to logboats. They are often considered to be of low status, both technologically and functionally. However, logboats are more interesting than that. This article presents three logboats dated to the Roman era and late Viking age, found in the region of Telemark, Norway. The principal concern is to discuss how notions about prehistoric boats can be made known, challenged and discussed by examining the three boats in the context of the rivers and lakes in which they were most probably used. © 2007 Author  相似文献   

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In 1990, a target of universal access to basic education by the year 2000 was set by two global conferences. Ten years later, however, it was clear that the target had not been met. Too many countries had made insufficient progress, and although many of the reasons for this inadequate progress were country‐specific, one factor stood out in virtually all countries: inadequate public finance for primary education. In 2000, the Millennium Summit set a new target date for achieving ‘education for all’ of 2015. This article updates the global and regional cost estimates for reaching that target. The estimates are based on the most recent country‐by‐country data on budgetary expenditure, population and enrolment trends, and unit cost. The annual additional cost of achieving ‘education for all’ in developing countries by 2015 is estimated at US$ 9.1 billion. Although this is affordable at the global level, individual countries will need considerably more resources than are currently available. However, official development assistance (ODA) has been declining, and the share of ODA allocated to basic education has changed little over the past decade. Therefore, although affordable, the target of universal basic education by 2015 is likely to be missed, just as it was in 2000, without a major change both in ODA and national budgets.  相似文献   

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